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© Davidson Loehr

 13 April 2008

 First UU Church of Austin

 4700 Grover Ave., Austin, TX 78756

 www.austinuu.org

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Children’s Story, Part 2:

Last time we talked about a special valley, and the many children who lived there. It was a wonderful place to live, until some new, short and mean people came there. They said, for some odd reason, that they were taller than the valley’s children, when anyone could see they were all shorter. When the valley children pointed this out, the short mean little people got even meaner, and shouted that this was because the children should be walking on their knees. They yelled this, and their yelling scared some of the children so much that they did begin walking on their knees, just to stop the yelling. Then others followed, and before you knew it, all the children in the valley were walking on their knees – which made the short and mean people the tallest in the valley after all.

This continued for years! For years the children of the valley kept walking on their knees. They continued to grow, of course – some of them grew almost a whole foot – so that, even on their knees, some of them were almost as tall as the short mean people.

There are so many things you just can’t do if you’re on your knees. You can’t play baseball, football, soccer or volleyball. It’s very hard to swim; racing and pole vaulting and high-jumping are out of the question. And this valley didn’t have television or computers or Play Stations or even Game Boys or cell phones! So there really wasn’t a lot to do.

Then, slowly, things began to change. No one knows just where it started. But in one part of the valley, a girl suddenly stood up. She just said her knees hurt, so she stood up. Another girl got angry at the small mean people yelling all the time, so she stood up just to spite them, and to show she was no longer afraid of them. Then one of the taller boys stood up, and found that he was almost a foot taller than the mean little people! This gave him an idea. He picked one of the short mean people up and lifted him right off the ground. This made the mean little person stop yelling. Then the boy said, with lots of children watching and listening, “You know, you’re almost a little cute when your mouth is closed!” The children laughed and laughed. And when other mean little people began coming around yelling at the tall boy, some other tall boys stood up, picked them up, and began passing them around like little dolls. This really made the mean people mad! But something was changing, and the madder they got, the more children stood up, the more they laughed, and the more they tossed them around like toys.

Then something very unexpected happened. One boy looked far away – they could see a lot farther when they were standing up – and over in another part of the valley, he saw other children standing up. They waved at them, and the other children waved back. A girl looked in another direction, and saw children standing up in another part of the valley. She shouted out to them, and they shouted back, and waved. Then some of the children began running to greet the children from other parts of the valley – it’s amazing how fast you can run when you’re not on your knees!

And the more children stood up, the more it gave other children courage to stand up. Before long, they were all standing up, for the first time in years. The mean little people were about hysterical by now, screaming at the top of their lungs. But the children were no longer afraid of them – after all, the children were all bigger than they were – and began passing them around like toys, and laughing. Then the little meanies started to bite the children – so they put the meanies in cages – like those dog cages you see in people’s cars.

But while they were having fun and getting a little revenge, they learned something much more serious. It turns out that during the years when they were on their knees, the meanies had not only been mean, but had also broken laws – a lot of laws. They had stolen a lot of money and done even worse things. Before long, they were arrested, and instead of being put in dog cages, they were put in prisons.

But there were so many of them that even the prisons soon filled up. Then they looked for other kinds of cages to hold the little meanies, and thought of – the zoos! With no children to visit the zoos for years, almost all the animals had been shipped somewhere else, and there were lots of empty cages. They weren’t too clean, but they were empty. Soon, they were all filled with the meanies, who stayed there for a very long time. So long that the children grew up, found mates, had their own children, and took their children to the zoo to see the many cages of Little Meanies, as they named them.

But their children weren’t very interested. All they saw were some small old people who yelled and said mean things. So soon they wouldn’t even feed them peanuts or any other zoo food, then they just stopped visiting, and forgot about them altogether.

But their parents didn’t forget about them, ever. Because they remembered what it had been like when they were afraid, and forced to walk on their knees, and they remembered how good it felt when they finally stood up. They have a lot to teach other people, including us – and that’s why I told you the story.

Prayer:

Let us remember the answer is always to become grounded in a love of life more abundant. There is a courage that comes from that love of a transcendent and commanding sense of life. That courage can let us stand up when most around us are still scared into kneeling. Let us have faith that our solitary act of standing up will give others the courage to consider standing up in their own lives.

There is a healthy kind of humility that can come from kneeling before authentic altars to worthy gods. Let us pray that the gods we serve with our lives are worthy of our service, and let us have the humility to serve them with all that we have, for such service can bless and empower us.

But let us not forget what we already have, for it is also life-giving. We already have the ability to walk upright, and never to kneel before moral and ethical ideals that are beneath us. We already have the strength and the courage to do this when we know that we must.

This strength and this courage also bless and empower us, and they are closer at hand. Let us never be seduced into becoming so frightened that we forget to stand up for all we know to be life-affirming.

For that is the spark of God that is an essential part of almost all of us, and we must nurture that spark, and must use it to ignite our spirits, or it may go out. And that, we cannot afford.

And so let us kneel when kneeling is appropriate. But on those other, more numerous, occasions when we should stand up for ourselves, for others, and for what truly gives us life, let us stand, and receive those special blessings that come only to the courageous.

Amen.

SERMON: The Most Dangerous Fundamentalism in the World, Part 5

This is the fifth and final in the series of sermons adapted from Naomi Klein’s book The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, which as I’ve said before, I think is the most important book I’ve read in the past twenty-five years for understanding the “master narrative” – the plot behind much that has been going on in our world since at least 1973. Today I want to share her insights about 9-11 and our illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq, and then some real-world very optimistic signs from another author, to end both the sermon series and the children’s story – which, like all good children’s stories, isn’t just for children.

Naomi Klein’s focus is on some of the economic back-story of 9-11 and Iraq, in Israel and the U.S.

It starts with the dot.com crash of 2000, which threatened all the stock markets in the world, but which threatened Israel most of all, because they had the most high-tech-dependent economy on earth. The country went into immediate free fall, and by June 2001, analysts were predicting that roughly three hundred high-tech Israeli firms would go bankrupt, with tens of thousands of layoffs. A Tel Aviv business newspaper declared in a headline that 2002 would be the “Worst Year for Israeli Economy Since 1953.” Then in the summer of 2001, the government encouraged the tech industry to branch out into security and surveillance. A slew of new start-ups were launched, specializing in everything from “search and nail” data mining, to surveillance cameras, to terrorist profiling. When the market for these services and devices exploded after 9-11, the Israeli state rejoiced that the growth provided by the dot.com bubble would be replaced with a homeland security boom. Ideologically, it was the perfect marriage of the Likud Party’s hawkishness and its commitment to Chicago School economics. By 2003, Israel was already making a stunning recovery, and by 2004 the country had seemed to pull off a miracle: it was performing better than almost any Western economy. Much of this growth was due to Israel’s savvy positioning of itself as a kind of shopping mall for homeland security technologies. The timing was perfect. Overnight, Israel became, in the words of Forbes magazine, “the go-to country for antiterrorism technologies” (The Shock Doctrine, p.435).

The business of providing “security” – in Israel and around the world – is directly responsible for much of Israel’s meteoric growth in recent years. The War on Terror industry saved Israel’s faltering economy, much as the disaster capitalism complex I talked about last week helped rescue the global stock markets (The Shock Doctrine, p. 436).

Be aware of code words like, “the global stock markets.” When the health of stock markets is taken as indicator of a healthy economy, it means those writing about it have privileged the profits of stock-holders over the well-being of workers whose release, cuts in insurance and benefits, etc. all make the stock prices rise. “The health of the global stock markets” has already privileged the owners above the vast majority of living human beings.

And since this is another application of the Chicago School plan, we already know the plot. So we won’t be surprised to learn that Israel’s post-9/11 growth spurt has produced a rapid division of their society between rich and poor. In 2007, 24.4 percent of Israelis were living below the poverty line, with 35.2 percent of all children in poverty – compared with 8 percent of children twenty years earlier (The Shock Doctrine, p. 439).

This discarding of 25 to 60 percent of the population has been the hallmark of the Chicago School crusade since the “misery villages” began mushrooming throughout the Southern Cone of South America in the seventies. In South Africa, Russia and New Orleans the rich build walls around themselves. Israel has taken this disposal process a step further: it has built walls around the desperate and dangerous poor (The Shock Doctrine, p. 442).

There have been many articles on the deep overlap between our own neo-con group and a group of men with dual citizenship in both the U.S. and Israel. I’ve read lists with the names of up to sixteen men with dual citizenship among the big players in Washington, including Rabbi Dov Zakheim, who was comptroller of our Defense Department when it came up missing $2.3 trillion, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, Michael Chertoff, head of our Homeland Security, George Tenet, former head of our FBI, and Eliot Abrams, who played a key role in the Iran-Contra scandal under President Reagan as Assistant Secretary of State, and has served George W. Bush as Deputy Assistant to the President, and Deputy National Security Advisor. The list also includes Donald Kagan, one of the chief architects of the Project for the New American Century, as well as Marc Grossman, Douglas Feith and a half dozen others whose names aren’t as well known (Richard Haas, Kenneth Adelman, Edward Luttwak, Robert Satloff, David Frum, David Wurmser, and Steven Goldsmith – Google “dual-citizen Israelis,” and you’ll see thousands of sites. Some are clearly angry about the fact that we have citizens of Israel determining our national policy – in ways the clearly benefit Israel – but no dual citizens from, say, Mexico. Most of these men were contributors to that Project for the New American Century, which was published in September 2000 and which contained the blueprint for our American imperialism that has come to life since 9-11.

Even the strongest critics from the Left, however, tend to see the neoconservatives as true believers, motivated exclusively by a commitment to the supremacy of American and Israeli power that is so all-consuming they are prepared to sacrifice economic interests in favor of “security.” But this distinction, as Naomi Klein puts it, is both artificial and amnesiac. The right to limitless profit-seeking has always been at the center of neoconservative ideology. With the War on Terror, the neocons didn’t abandon their corporatist economic goals; they found a new, much more effective way to achieve them. Of course these Washington hawks – both our US citizens, and our dual-country US and Israeli citizens – are committed to an imperial role for the United States in the world and for Israel in the Middle East. But both in Israel and the U.S., we now have a state of endless war abroad, and a security state at home. This matches perfectly with the methods of the disaster capitalism complex I talked about last week, which has built a multibillion-dollar industry based on the structure of war outside and a security state within. (The Shock Doctrine, p. 322).

The Chicago School and its disciples are back to looting markets, now with a new clever pitch. If the looting can be linked, even loosely, to terrorism, then everything is fair game, and all accounts is up for grabs – maybe, if they’re lucky, even Social Security. Bush can get around laws, courts and congress easily, and pass new secret signing statements that let him legally ignore any directives from Congress he doesn’t like. He can revoke the habeas corpus acts, letting us kidnap our own citizens and send them elsewhere for torture and perhaps murder. And he can revive the posse comitatus acts, letting him use government armies – or armed private contractors like Blackwater, as he did after Katrina in New Orleans – to frighten our citizens with loaded guns. And he can give himself the power of a dictator in the event of any emergency or crisis he deems worthy to put us under martial law. He has already done all this and more, with hardly any significant media coverage. All of this was enabled by the paralyzing shock of 9-11, just as similar changes in the laws were enabled by the shocks inflicted on many other countries on which the Chicago School scheme was inflicted.

In a speech on September 10, 2001, Donald Rumsfeld announced that the Pentagon could not account for that $2.3 trillion I mentioned earlier. He also announced his intention to outsource many defense jobs to private industry. By the next day, nobody remembered much about either of these subjects. (The Shock Doctrine, p. 287).

But the idea at the heart of Rumsfeld’s forgotten speech is the central tenet of the Bush regime, following Milton Friedman’s economic ideas: that the job of government is not to govern but to subcontract the task to the private sector, which will do it for profit (The Shock Doctrine, p. 288). Let me translate that. What this means is transferring our tax dollars away from governmental agencies – which are answerable to us – to private contractors, which have no accountability to us. Over 90% of Blackwater’s money, for example, comes from state and governmental contracts, which means our tax dollars. But in Iraq, Blackwater employees cannot be prosecuted for crimes they commit – including murder – either under Iraqi laws or under U.S. laws, as we learned when they killed seventeen Iraqi civilians last September.

It’s surprising how many roads lead back to Milton Friedman. For Rumsfeld, this idea of selling off the job of providing security to private contractors like Blackwater can be dated back forty years to the early sixties, when he attended seminars at the University of Chicago’s Economics Department, and developed a particularly close connection with Milton Friedman (The Shock Doctrine, p. 289).

What happened in our country in the period of mass disorientation after 9-11 was, in retrospect, a domestic form of economic shock therapy: the Chicago School plan, finally inflicted forcefully on our own country. The Bush team, Friedmanite to the core, quickly moved to exploit the shock that gripped the nation to push through its radical vision of a hollow government in which everything from war fighting to disaster response was a for-profit venture. This is how it was done in every other country: a crisis that paralyzed the nation was used to provide cover for the very fast looting of the government and disempowerment of the middle class. The Bush team created a whole new rationale for its actions – the War on Terror – built from the start to loot our government and systematically remove the social supports from underneath the middle and lower classes (The Shock Doctrine, p. 298). For decades, the Friedmanite market had been feeding off the appendages of the state; now it could devour the core. The mantra “September 11 changed everything” neatly disguised the fact that for Milton Friedman disciples and the corporations whose interests they serve, the only thing that changed was the ease with which they could pursue their ambitious economic agenda (The Shock Doctrine, p. 299).

There have been some amazing statements made to justify this looting. To take only one of them, Ken Minihan, former director of the National Security Agency, said, “Homeland security is too important to be left to the government” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 300). Think about this: the security of our country is too important to be left to the government? The rules have been changed under our noses, under the cover of the distraction and manufactured War on Terrorism following 9-11. But this is just how it was done in dozens of other countries.

There is much more to 9-11, its effects and implications, but now I need to move on to Iraq.

It’s been well established that the Bush administration wanted to invade Iraq when they came into office, and had discussed it even in January 2001. The invasion of Iraq to control its oil, as well as the removal of Saddam Hussein, was called for in that Project for the New American Century published by our neocons in September 2000.

Iraq was, as Paul Wolfowitz said, where the oil was, and it was also an enemy of Israel. But other reasons for invading Iraq were tactical and economic.

There was little interest in the idea that war was a rational policy choice, that the architects of the invasion had unleashed ferocious violence because they could not crack open the closed economies of the Middle East by peaceful means, that the level of terror was proportional to what was at stake (The Shock Doctrine, p. 327).

But the existence of a plan to use our military to serve our country’s corporate interests is not new. General Smedley Butler laid it out in the 1930s, detailing his role as what he called a muscleman for the first three decades of the 20th century.

And recently, Stephen Kinzer has written in his 2006 book Overthrow that our overthrows of fourteen governments from Hawaii in 1893 to Iraq in 2003 have followed this same general plan:

He says, “In the modern world, corporations are the institutions that countries use to capture wealth. They have become the vanguard of American power, and defying them has become tantamount to defying the United States. When Americans depose a foreign leader who dares such defiance, they not only assert their rights in one country but also send a clear message to others (Overthrow, p. 4).”

In an interview with Democracy Now! On April 21, 2006, Kinzer broke the plan down into its three stages:

1. One or more of our giant corporations are frustrated by a country’s protective or non-compliant laws.

2. They take this to our elected representatives, where it is translated to a case – not of corporate interests, but “U.S. interests.”

3. It is then translated into a war of Good against Evil in order to sell the military intervention to the citizens, and send American soldiers to kill and to die (www.democracynow.org).

John Perkins also wrote about our plans to control and loot other nations, in his best-selling book Confessions of an Economic Hit Man a few years ago, where he says, “Iraq was very important to us, much more than was obvious. Contrary to common public opinion, Iraq is not simply about oil. It is also about water and geopolitics. Both the Tigris and Euphrates rivers flow through Iraq; thus, of all the countries in that part of the world, Iraq controls the most important sources of increasingly critical water resources (John Perkins, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, p. 183).

“Also, Iraq is in a very strategic location. It borders Iran, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Syria and Turkey, and has a coastline on the Persian Gulf. It is within easy missile-striking distance of both Israel and the former Soviet Union. Military strategists equate modern Iraq to the Hudson River valley during the French and Indian War and the American Revolution. In the eighteenth century, the French, British and Americans knew that whoever controlled the Hudson River valley controlled the continent. Today, it is common knowledge that whoever controls Iraq holds the key to controlling the Middle East. (John Perkins, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, p. 184).

Another author says, “Controlling Iraq is about oil as power, rather than oil as fuel. Control over the Persian Gulf translates into control over Europe, Japan, and China. It’s having our hand on the spigot.” (Michael Klare, professor of peace and world security studies at Hampshire College and author of Resource Wars).

Invading and occupying Iraq also offered the chance to drive a wedge into the Arab and Muslim worlds, which would help Israel, as well as serving our own imperialist interests. And we’re planning to stay there. Remember that we have built the world’s largest embassy there, a building that could employ 5,000 people. It also fits into the Friedmanite vision. After the Chicago School had conquered Latin America, Africa, Eastern Europe and Asia, the Arab world – and of course the U.S. – called out as the final frontiers (The Shock Doctrine, p. 326). And we handled Iraq as we had handled the other countries, rewriting its laws to allow wholesale looting of the country immediately.

When Paul Bremer was sent to Iraq to act like the defacto government of the country, all the careful efforts during the 1990s to present “free trade” as something other than an imperial project were abandoned (The Shock Doctrine, p. 343). He lived in Saddam’s turquoise-domed Republican Palace, received trade and investment laws by e-mail from the Department of Defense, printed them out, signed them and imposed them by fiat on the shocked, awed, invaded and occupied Iraqi people (Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine, p. 344).

This is the Chicago School plan, so you know what comes next. You have probably observed, as I have, that once you understand the plot, it is disturbingly easy to see it being worked out, in country after country. Bremer changed the laws immediately to invite the corporate looting. One law lowered Iraq’s corporate tax rate from roughly 45 percent to a flat 15 percent (straight out of the Milton Friedman playbook). Another allowed foreign companies to own 100 percent of Iraqi assets – preventing a repeat of Russia, where the big money from looting the government went to the local rulers and their families. Even better, investors could take 100 percent of the profits they made in Iraq out of the country; they would not be required to reinvest, and they would not be taxed. Investors could sign leases and contracts that would last for forty years and then be eligible for renewal, which meant that future elected governments would be saddled with deals signed by their occupiers (The Shock Doctrine, p. 345).

Bremer reworked Iraq’s trademark and copyright laws, eliminated trade barriers and afforded foreign businesses the option of circumventing Iraq’s legal system and taking any disputes to international tribunals. Previously, Iraqi banks were closed to foreign ownership. Now, not only can foreign banks operate in Iraq, they can take over private Iraqi banks as well.

He refused to turn power over to the Iraqis because it became immediately clear that they would never give up their oil fields, so Bremer cancelled all elections, and cut down democracy wherever it reared its unwelcome head (The Shock Doctrine, p. 364).

GW Bush spoke of Iraq as “spreading freedom in a troubled region,” and many mistook the sentiment as a starry-eyed commitment to democracy. But it was always that other kind of freedom, the one offered to Chile in the seventies and to Russia in the nineties – the freedom for Western multinationals to feed off freshly captured states – that was at the center of the model theory. The president made that perfectly clear only eight days after declaring an end to major combat in Iraq when he announced plans for the “establishment of a US-Middle East free trade area within a decade” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 329).

So in the end, the war in Iraq did create a model economy. It was a model for highly profitable war and reconstruction – a model that quickly became export-ready. Until Iraq, the frontiers of the Chicago crusade had been bound by geography: Russia, Argentina, South Korea. Now a new frontier can open up wherever the next disaster strikes (The Shock Doctrine, p. 382).

Iraq’s current state of disaster cannot be reduced either to the incompetence and cronyism of the Bush White House or to the sectarianism or tribalism of Iraqis. It is a very capitalist disaster, a nightmare of unfettered greed unleashed in the wake of war. The deadly and murderous feeding frenzy in Iraq is one created by a careful and faithful application of unrestrained Chicago School ideology (The Shock Doctrine, p. 351).

In February 2004, eleven months after the invasion, an Oxford Research International poll found that a majority of Iraqis wanted a secular government: only 21% wanted “an Islamic state,” and only 14 percent ranked “religious politicians” as their preferred political actors. Six months later, with the occupation in a new and more violent phase, another poll found that 70 percent of Iraqis wanted Islamic law as the basis of the state (The Shock Doctrine, p. 350).

You remember the stunning quote from Boris Yeltsin’s assistant in Russia: that, “In order to have a democracy in society there must be a dictatorship in power” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 232). The phrase “democracy in society” meant the freedom to loot it, not the freedom of the people. That has been true in every country in which the Chicago School plan has been put into effect: in order for the corporations to freely loot the government assets, including the money formerly spent on social services to support the middle and lower classes, there must be a dictatorship of power, because otherwise the citizens wouldn’t allow it. Someone must put the citizens on their knees. This means it’s fair to wonder whether there will also have to be a dictatorship of power in our own country.

As proto-disaster capitalists, the architects of the War on Terror are part of a different breed of corporate-politicians from their predecessors, one for whom wars and other disasters are indeed ends in themselves (The Shock Doctrine, p. 311).

I saw figures this week saying our illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq has cost us nearly 4,500 deaths and almost 75,000 casualties – not counting more than a million Iraqis we have killed. But these numbers aren’t significant if you’re only looking at the opportunity for profit, oil, and controlling the Middle East. First, we choose the gods we will serve. They, in turn, determine what we are capable of seeing and caring about.

The most important negotiations going on in Iraq today are still to try and transfer control of their oil primarily to American investors and corporations for the next generation or two. The Iraqi Parliament has so far refused to approve any of this, even though there are reports that members of their Parliament have been offered bribes of $5 million each if they’ll sell out their country in favor of U.S. control of their oil. How many of our own elected officials in Washington do you think could resist a $5 million bribe?

One last thought on Iraq. The cost of the war has recently been estimated at $3 trillion. From a Friedmanite perspective, the huge cost of the war is a very good thing, because it helps drain the money that might otherwise go to social support services, education, health care, and maintaining the U.S. infrastructure. The longer the war can be continued, the more drastic and permanent these cuts can be. When budget cuts are made, remember that they are virtually always made to those social support services. So huge war expenses help disempower and disable the middle and lower classes for generations to come, as the Chicago School plan has done to every other economy – like an Invasion of the Body Snatchers, but more deadly and in real-world time rather than just sci-fi time. Meanwhile, the atmosphere of war makes it easy – as we”ve seen – for the President to claim and take increased powers. War is not only good business; it is a brilliant tactic in the Friedmanite scheme to do unto the U.S. what we have done unto dozens of other countries over the past thirty-five years.

When the contractor infrastructure built up during the Bush years is looked at as a whole, what is seen is a fully articulated state-within-a-state that is as muscular and capable as the actual state is frail and feeble. This corporate shadow state has been built almost exclusively with public resources (90 percent of Blackwater’s revenues come from state contracts). Yet the vast infrastructure is all privately owned and controlled. The citizens who have funded it have absolutely no claim to this parallel economy or its resources. The actual state, meanwhile, has lost the ability to perform its core functions without the help of contractors. Its own equipment is out of date, and the best experts have fled to the private sector (The Shock Doctrine, p. 417).

Even more surreally, governments are now seen as competitors. In a 2006 report titled, “Neglected Defense: Mobilizing the Private Sector to Support Homeland Security” – whose advisory committee included some of the largest corporations in the sector – warned that “the compassionate federal impulse to provide emergency assistance to the victims of disasters affects the market’s approach to managing its exposure to risk.” Too-compassionate governments could, unless controlled, hamper the corporate fleecing of desperate people. Published by the Council on Foreign Relations, the report argued that if people know the government will come to the rescue, they have no incentive to pay for private, for-profit, protection. In a similar vein, a year after Katrina, CEOs from thirty of the largest corporations in the US joined together under the umbrella of the Business Roundtable, which includes in its membership Fluor, Bechtel and Chevron. The group, calling itself Partnership for Disaster Response, complained of “mission creep” by the nonprofit sector in the aftermath of disasters. Apparently charities and NGOs were infringing on their market by donating building supplies rather than having Home Depot supply them for a fee (The Shock Doctrine, p. 418).

For the corporations involved, the bad news is that, unfortunately, large-scale disasters – whether made by CIA-backed armies, IMF-sponsored destruction of their economy, or Mother Nature – these lucky breaks can’t continue forever. Naomi Klein predicts that when the disaster bubble bursts, firms such as Bechtel, Fluor and Blackwater will lose much of their primary revenue streams. The next phase, she thinks, is all too clear: with emergencies on the rise, government no longer able to foot the bill, and citizens stranded by their can’t-do state, the parallel corporate state will rent back its disaster infrastructure to whoever can afford it, at whatever price the market will bear. For sale will be everything from helicopter rides off rooftops to drinking water to beds in shelters (The Shock Doctrine, p. 419).

In a widely circulated manifesto for Fast Company magazine, John Robb (former covert-action mission commander with Delta Force turned successful management consultant) describes the “end result” of the war on terror as an approach to national security built not around the state but around private citizens and companies”. [Your] security will become a function of where you live and whom you work for, much as health care is allocated already. Wealthy individuals and multinational corporations will be the first to bail out of our collective system, opting instead to hire private military companies, such as Blackwater and Triple Canopy, to protect their homes and facilities and establish a protective perimeter around daily life. Parallel transportation networks – evolving out of the time-share aircraft companies such as Warren Buffett’s NetJets – will cater to this group, leapfrogging its members from one secure, well-appointed lily pad to the next.” That elite world is already largely in place, but Robb predicts that the middle class will soon follow suit, “forming suburban collectives to share the costs of security.” In other words, a world of suburban Green Zones. As for those outside the secured perimeter, “they will have to make do with the remains of the national system. They will gravitate to America’s cities, where they will be subject to ubiquitous surveillance and marginal or nonexistent services. For the poor, there will be no other refuge” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 420). To translate, this means that how safe you are will depend on race and economic class, not citizenship or your rights as a human.

The American Society of Civil Engineers said in 2007 that the US had fallen so far behind in maintaining its public infrastructure – roads, bridges, schools, dams – that it would take more than a trillion and a half dollars over five years to bring it back up to standard. But of course these are the types of expenditures that are being cut back. It’s easy to imagine a future in which growing numbers of cities have their frail and long-neglected infrastructures knocked out by disasters and then are left to rot, their core services never repaired or rehabilitated. The well-off, meanwhile, will withdraw into gated communities, their needs met by private companies – hired guns (The Shock Doctrine, p. 415).

The process is already well under way. Another glimpse of a disaster apartheid future can be found in a wealthy Republican suburb outside Atlanta. Its residents decided that they were tired of watching their property taxes subsidize schools and police in the country’s low-income African-American neighborhoods. They voted to incorporate as their own city, Sandy Springs, which could spend its taxes on services for its 100,000 citizens and not have the revenues redistributed throughout the larger Fulton County. They had no government structures. In September 2005, the same month that New Orleans flooded, the residents of Sandy Springs were approached by the construction and consulting giant CH2M Hill with a unique pitch: let us do it for you. For the starting price of $27 million a year, the contractor pledged to build a complete city from the ground up. A few months later, Sandy Springs became the first “contract city.” Only four people worked directly for the new municipality – everyone else was a contractor. The Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported that “when Sandy Springs hired corporate workers to run the new city, it was considered a bold experiment.” Within a year, however, contract-city mania was tearing through Atlanta’s wealthy suburbs, and it had become “standard procedure in north Fulton County.” Soon, a campaign began for the new corporate cities to join together to form their own county, which would mean that none of their tax dollars would go to the poor neighborhoods nearby. This will create areas like the Green Zones in Baghdad, and New Orleans”. (The Shock Doctrine, p. 422).

These patterns of economic class (and race) stratification have been repeated everywhere that the Chicago School ideology has triumphed. In December 2006, a month after Friedman died, a UN study found that “the richest 2 per cent of adults in the world own more than half of global household wealth.” The shift has been starkest in the US, where CEOs made 43 times what the average worker earned in 1980, when Reagan kicked off the Friedmanite crusade. By 2005, CEOs earned 411 times as much (The Shock Doctrine, p. 444).

Throughout its thirty-five-year history, the Chicago School agenda has advanced through the intimate cooperation of powerful business figures, crusading ideologues and strong-arm political leaders (The Shock Doctrine, p. 445).

This is about the master narrative of our times, the “back-story” of the world, the fact that it has almost never really been run by voters, citizens, never followed the polite rules, almost never run like a democracy. It indicts the deep and now dangerous naïveté of citizens – perhaps especially liberals. Too many citizens – goaded on by the media that are owned by about five giant corporations – act as though this is a democracy, as though of course those are the rules, and we just need a bigger parade or bigger protest or self-righteous PBS specials to get our leaders to return to playing by those rules. But the rules were changed to enable better profit-taking by the few from the many, as they were changed in many other countries.

The forty- or fifty-year history of “terrorism” conducted in European countries by right-wing groups within those countries in order to put citizens into manageable states of shock – all of which were apparently done with the philosophical and economic backing of our own CIA – should raise some sober and frightening questions about the violence done to our own country that achieved similar ends. The reluctance to acknowledge that, to name the real powers and principalities that actually run the world, to challenge the biggest of the lies, is to remain in a kind of Disneyland, irrelevant to the world around us, as meek accomplices in the rape of the world. When we read that there are now about ten lobbyists in Washington D.C. for every elected official, or that all nominated presidential candidates are funded primarily by corporations – do we really think this has no implications? John Jay, the first Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, once said that the people who own the country ought to run it. That was accomplished quite a while ago – we have been on our knees far longer than we want to acknowledge.

Now, still rushing, I want to move toward some of the very real and very optimistic signs that are going on all over the world.

The kind of hope that is flowering is like the widespread grass-roots movements going on in Latin America that I talked about a few weeks ago, but on a much, much larger scale. A church member sent me a wonderful essay by Paul Hawken that I hadn’t seen, which describes a lot of this. The essay is taken from his new book Blessed Unrest, but he’s been writing books on ecology and commerce for twenty years. (A Global Democratic Movement Is About to Pop, by Paul Hawken, Orion Magazine, posted on May 1, 2007, printed on April 1, 2008

http://www.alternet.org/story/51088/)

He says he’s given nearly a thousand talks about the environment in the past fifteen years, and has noticed something he believes is unprecedented in human history: the existence of what he now believes are between one and two million organizations working toward ecological sustainability and social justice all over the world. They represent the hope for a better world that beckons us.

This is a kind of burgeoning awareness, growing and spreading in every city and country, made up of families in India, students in Australia, farmers in France, the landless in Brazil, the poor of Honduras and Durban, villagers in remote places, indigenous tribes of Bolivia, and housewives in Japan. Its leaders are farmers, zoologists, shoemakers and poets.

Our media don’t make us aware of the huge movement bubbling up. When the African woman Wangari Maathai won the Nobel Peace Prize a few years ago, the wire service stories didn’t mention the network of six thousand different women’s groups in Africa planting trees. But that’s the really empowering story, not the more sensational story about the one woman who started it, even though Maathai deserves recognition for her hard and brilliant work bringing the problem to the world’s attention. When we hear about a chemical spill in a river, is it ever mentioned that more than four thousand organizations in North America have adopted a river, creek, or stream in order to clean it up and save it?

Paul Hawken says this is the first time in history that a large social movement is not bound together by a charismatic leader. What bind it together are ideas, not ideologies. What this nameless movement is doing is to offer solutions to what appear to be insoluble dilemmas: poverty, global climate change, terrorism, ecological degradation, polarization of income and loss of culture. And what drives it is tens or hundreds of millions of people getting back in touch – in spite of their governments – with what it means to be fully human, alive, and involved. Theologically, it is people getting back to serving a god worth serving, a god of life, love, justice and courage. It is like children beginning to stand up in that valley, to notice and connect with the others who are standing up.

I hope and believe that this dispersed movement will prevail, will suffuse and permeate most institutions. I think it may change enough people to begin the reversal of centuries of frenzied self-destruction. This is like the story of The Hundredth Monkey from a generation ago.

The kind of healing, the kind of revolution we need, according to Naomi Klein, Paul Hawken, John Perkins and millions of others involved in these movements, will not come from our governments, and will not come from electing a Democratic president. It won’t come from superficial NPR and PBS programs merely milking the surface features of deep crimes for the day’s entertainment. Both NPR and PBS, it seems to me, have become a lot like the opiates of the intellectual class. It’s unrealistic to expect our mass media to educate us, because this kind of education does not draw crowds, but our mass media are struggling for existence and need crowds in order to attract advertisers. And these financial controls apply to NPR and PBS almost as much as they do to the mainstream media.

If we are to have a safe and fair new world, it will come, as it came in the children’s story, from individuals beginning to stand up to the moral midgets who have run roughshod over our world for a very long time. It will come from individuals standing up to them – here, there, and everywhere. Like the Iraqi Parliament members who are refusing to be bribed even for five million dollars because they serve higher and holier values. To stand up is to refuse to be terrorized by governments who learned long ago that keeping us frightened is the best way to make us give up our freedoms. Healing ourselves and our world is not a liberal or a conservative activity. It is a sacred activity, and it is absolutely within our reach. It is time to stand up.

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© Davidson Loehr

 6 April 2008

 First UU Church of Austin

 4700 Grover Ave., Austin, TX 78756

 www.austinuu.org

Listen to the sermon by clicking the play button.

Children’s Story, Part 1:

Once there was a wonderful green and pretty valley with lots of boys and girls who all got along with each other. Even brothers and sisters never fought! That’s almost impossible to believe, isn’t it? But that’s what this valley was like. They spent their time in the summer playing games, always playing fair, and making lots of friends. It was a place where everybody had a lot of friends. They played all kinds of games together, and got along a lot better than they sometimes do in school here.

Then one day some strange new people came to the valley. They hadn’t had new people in so long nobody could remember if they’d ever had new people. These people were very short, and that was ok, but they also looked really mean. Their eyes squinted and when they talked to you, you got the idea that they really didn’t care about you at all, they were just looking to see if they could trick you out of anything. And when they talked, they talked too loud, and always seemed angry. They yelled. Just listening to them was kind of scary, you know?

And they said things that just sounded silly. They would say, “You little kids are all very short.” When they were the shortest people in the valley. When one boy spoke up and reminded them that they were short, while the kids in the valley were all taller than they were, they got that squinty-eyed look, and said “That’s because you’re supposed to be walking on your knees. Why are you standing on your feet? You’re supposed to be walking on your knees!” A bunch of kids, while still trying to be polite, pointed out that no, nobody was supposed to walk on their knees, and yes, they really were taller than these new mean people. But the new people just got meaner, and louder. “You’re supposed to walk on your knees!” they would shout. “Get down on your knees!” And that kind of a voice can really scare you, even if you’re right and they’re wrong, you know?

Before too long, one or two of the kids who were really scared by the yelling said, “Well maybe we are supposed to walk on our knees. Maybe we should get down on our knees.” Other kids laughed at them and said that was nonsense, but they’d say, “But they’re yelling it. they’re so loud. They act so sure. Maybe they’re right. Or maybe if we’d walk on our knees, they’d stop yelling.” Some other kids chimed in and said it was worth it to get them to stop yelling. And before you knew it, most of the kids actually began walking on their knees! The other kids told them they were being silly, but the truth is that they were afraid, and sometimes when we’re afraid we do silly things. Before long, every boy and girl in the valley was walking on their knees. Some of the kids even lay down on their backs, or turned over and hid their faces, trying to disappear. And so now these strange new short mean little people really were the tallest people in the valley.

Something is wrong about getting people to walk on their knees. But still, that’s where they are, and they’re going to stay there until next week when we hear the end of the story.

PRAYER:

Let us bow to causes that serve life, truth, justice, the empowerment of the many – all the things that the great prophets and sages of history have preached. Their insights linger in our cultural DNA, and still tempt us to serve such high, deep, broad pleadings of life more abundant.

Let us be appropriately bowed to these transcendent ideals, and yoked to their demands on us, for that kind of bowing and yoking cherish us and put within our souls the breath of a god of life.

But let us never be put into the position of bowing as though we were meant to be on our knees, as though we were inferior beings.

And let us not bow too far or for too long to fear, for fear can so easily be used to paralyze our spirits and enslave us.

We bend to the voices of a high moral calling; we yoke our spirits to serve life, but not the enemies of life.

When we bow, when we consent to be yoked to persons or to causes, let us remember we are children of God, the sons and daughters of Life’s longing for itself, and the hope of our world. Bowing to callings that are worthy of that spark of God within us empowers us. Let us seek to be empowered, and to empower others. Amen.

SERMON: The Most Dangerous Fundamentalism on Earth, Part 4

I want to talk about some more applications of the three-part plan to loot national economies that have been done since 1990. It was Milton Friedman’s economic plan for transferring wealth to the top and disempowering or eliminating the middle class. Ironically, or perhaps cynically, it is called Free Trade. In practice, it looks like this:

First, there needs to be what Friedman called a crisis: something to paralyze or distract the citizens, to get them off-balance for awhile.

1. Then the plan is quickly put into effect, to sell off government assets to privileged private buyers. The code word for this is “privatization.”

2. The second part of the plan is to remove all laws that could get in the way of this easy looting and allow foreign companies – especially U.S. companies – free access to all their markets, without tariffs or taxes meant to protect the local economy. The code word for this is “deregulation.”

3. The third part is to disempower and begin to dismantle the middle class, the workers, as obstacles, by eliminating their social support services – and transferring the money from them to privileged private buyers. The code words for this are “cuts to social spending.”

If you’ve been here for even one or two of the three earlier sermons, you know the plot, and you know what’s going to happen each and every time, though it may happen a bit differently each time, as they react creatively to each kind of crisis.

One thing you can count on is that the stories we got from our media were never the whole story. Another is that beneath all the stories of robbery, manipulation and violence, we’re really talking about the gods we are serving as we shape and misshape our world. As a theologian, that’s what most interests me. Let’s start with a country we all remember being excited about in the 1990’s: South Africa after Nelson Mandela was released from prison, and the African National Congress was given a certain kind of power in 1994. I remember it as an exciting, positive time, but never heard the deeper economic story. See how much of the rest of this you remember getting from the media, and ask yourself what values, what gods, are being served.

To summarize it, the story is that after Nelson Mandela was released from prison, F. W. De Klerk and others made much of the “freedom,” while secretly writing the economic and legal agreement that would insure that blacks received no economic freedom, and in fact had to pay the whites huge sums, so the whites were still supported by the blacks, whose economic condition became worse. Mandela and the others had been snookered, and so were the rest of us, through the misleading or uninformed media coverage.

Thabo Mbeki, Mandela’s right hand during his presidency and his successor, introduced the Chicago agenda in June 1996, even saying “Just call me a Thatcherite” to signal that South Africa was largely for sale to foreigners (The Shock Doctrine, p. 209). How has it worked for the people? You know the plot by now, so the general picture won’t surprise you, though the details might.

Forty percent of the government’s annual debt payments go to the country’s massive pension fund. The vast majority of the beneficiaries are former white apartheid employees. So in the end, South Africa has wound up with a twisted case of reparations in reverse, with the white businesses that reaped enormous profits from black labor during the apartheid years paying not a cent in reparations, but the victims of apartheid continuing to send large paychecks to their former victimizers. And how do they raise the money for this generosity? Through taxes, and by selling off the government’s assets – a modern form of the very looting that the ANC had been so intent on avoiding (The Shock Doctrine, p. 213).

Since 1990, the year Nelson Mandela left prison, the average life expectancy for black South Africans has dropped by thirteen years (The Shock Doctrine, p. 206).

– Since 1994, the year the ANC took power, the number of people living on less than $1 a day has doubled, from 2 million to 4 million in 2006.

– Between 1991 and 2002, the unemployment rate for black South Africans more than doubled, from 23 percent to 48 percent.

– Of South Africa’s 35 million black citizens, only five thousand earn more than $60,000 a year (that’s one in 7,000). The number of whites in that income bracket is twenty times higher, and many earn far more than that amount.

We must not pretend that it is a coincidence or aberration when these economic disempowerments happen in any society, including our own. This awareness of the design behind the destruction – the master narrative – is the greatest source of our hope, and of our power.

Now let’s leave Africa, though its tragic stories may stay with you, as they have stayed with me. But there’s more to tell, for the 1990’s saw another dramatic and far-reaching new tactic emerge, that you probably didn’t know about.

On January 13, 1993 the new Friedmanite rulers were at a small invitation-only conference at the Carnegie Conference Center, near the White House, the IMF, and the World Bank. John Williamson, the powerful economist known for shaping the missions of both the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, had convened the event as a historic gathering of the Chicago School tribe. In his address, he raised a stunning, nearly paralyzing, question:

One will have to ask whether it could conceivably make sense to think of deliberately provoking a crisis so as to remove the political logjam to reform.

Williamson’s remarks represented a major leap forward for the shock doctrine: the idea of actively creating a serious crisis so that Friedman’s economic shock therapy could be pushed through was now being openly discussed by people who could and did influence economies around the world (The Shock Doctrine, p. 256).

The first country to do this was Canada. The financial community circulated rumors that Canada’s currency was in trouble and the stocks were a dangerous investment – these were all lies. They wanted to create a false deficit crisis. By the time Canadians learned that the “deficit crisis” had been invented and grossly manipulated by the corporate-funded think tanks, it no longer mattered – the budget cuts had already been made and locked into law. As a direct result, social programs for the country’s unemployed were radically reduced, successfully robbed, and have never recovered, despite many subsequent surplus budgets.

The strategy of intentionally creating crises was used again and again in this period. In September 1995, a video was leaked to the Canadian press of Ontario’s minister of education, telling a closed-door meeting of civil servants that before cuts to education and other unpopular reforms could be announced, a climate of panic needed to be created by leaking information that painted a dire picture. He called it “creating a useful crisis” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 258-259).

Two years later, Michael Bruno, chief economist of development economics at the World Bank, re-emphasized John Williamson’s new plan, again without attracting media scrutiny. In a lecture to the International Economic Association in Tunis in 1995, later even published as a paper by the World Bank, Bruno addressed five hundred assembled economists from sixty-eight countries. He said that there was a growing consensus about “the idea that a large enough crisis may shock otherwise reluctant policymakers into instituting productivity-enhancing reforms.”

And just in case the audience missed the point, Bruno said, “I have emphasized one major theme: the political economy of deep crises tends to yield radical reforms with positive outcomes.”

Remember to unpack the code words. “Productivity-enhancing” does not mean plans to increase production by raising workers” salaries and benefits. It means those legal reforms making it easy for high-level investors to loot the economies of target nations – including their own nation, as Canada had shown. There is no national loyalty in this scheme; it is only about making money.

To help create these wonderful profit-taking opportunities, Bruno argued that international agencies needed to do more than just take advantage of existing economic crises to push through Friedman’s fundamentalist capitalism – they needed to preemptively cut off aid to make those crises worse”. Bruno conceded that this was frightening – government salaries would go unpaid, public infrastructure would rot – but, Chicago disciple that he was, he urged his audience to embrace this destruction as the first stage of creation. “Indeed, as the crisis deepens,” he said, “the government may gradually wither away” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 259-260).

This, of course, was seen as a good thing for predatory investors. The effects of a withered government, robbed of its ability to provide social support or infrastructure services to protect its citizens – these things were never considered. They didn’t matter. Once you choose the gods you will serve, you find that all gods are jealous gods, and serving them automatically eliminates some actions even from being seen, let alone considered.

These are the plans for economic looting that have run much of the world and been used to devastate and rob country after country under the Nixon, Reagan, Bush, Clinton and Bush administrations in an uninterrupted, bipartisan line since Nixon’s 1973 CIA-funded coup in Chile – or even going back to the Johnson administration and our CIA-backed coup installing Suharto as the brutal dictator of Indonesia in 1965.

It usually involves finding people within a country who are willing to sell it out, betray it or even attack it. They may do it for great personal wealth, as the rulers get, or in service of a far right-wing ideology in which they believe, and which they believe demands violence in order to succeed. And of course, some of them are simply psychopaths, drawn by the violence and lawlessness.

Some of the backstory of a lot of the violence and terrorism in the West since 1953 has only come to light during the past decade. There is an important book called NATO’s Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe by Daniele Ganser (published September 2001).

It is a detailed study of the secret right-wing armies formed by our CIA and the secret services of nearly all West European countries after WWII and continuing into recent times – perhaps to the present day.

The stated purpose of the violence – which involved the murders of thousands of their own citizens – was both to suppress the Left and to induce such fear and terror in the citizens that they would willingly give up more of their rights, helping to create a more autocratic state. In Ganser’s detailed research, both former CIA operatives and those active or in charge of the many secret armies planted throughout western Europe stated that all terrorism in western Europe since 1953 was done by the secret intelligence agencies within the victims” own governments, with the tactical and economic aid of our own CIA. They were killing their own people to create the atmosphere of terror that makes people easier to command and control.

Ganser says, “The secret armies were involved in a whole series of terrorist operations and human rights violations that they wrongly blamed on the Communists in order to discredit the left at the polls. The operations always aimed at spreading maximum fear among the population and ranged from bomb massacres in trains and market squares in Italy, the use of systematic torture of opponents in Turkey, the support for right-wing coup d’etats in Greece and Turkey, to the smashing of opposition groups in Portugal and Spain.” (Ganser, p. 2)

So these bold plans to pro-actively cripple entire societies and induce an atmosphere of fear or terror that were spoken out loud by influential Chicago school economists in the 1990s were not new plans, just new variations on old and established plans, just as their economic shock therapy had footnotes to the electroshock experiments at McGill University in the 1950s.

Now we have to move on again. The next happy accident that opened doors for this now-perfected scheme of looting a society came through crises that were neither militarily nor economically imposed, but through natural disasters. The first natural disaster this Chicago school group took advantage of was Hurricane Mitch.

In 1998, Hurricane Mitch lashed the coasts and mountains of Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua, swallowing up villages whole and killing more than nine thousand people. University of Chicago-trained economists immediately flew there to help. Within two months, the Honduran congress passed laws – now you’ll be able to see this coming – selling off government-owned airports, seaports and highways, the state telephone company, the national electric company and parts of the water sector. It overturned progressive land-reform laws, making it far easier for foreigners to buy and sell property, and rammed through a radically pro-business mining law (drafted, as you would now expect, by the mining industry) that lowered environmental standards and made it easier to evict people from homes that stood in the way of new mines (The Shock Doctrine, p. 395).

By the time the big tsunami hit on December 26, 2004, Washington was ready to take the Hurricane Mitch model to the next level – aiming not just at rewriting the laws and looting the country’s assets, but now also at our direct corporate control over the reconstruction (The Shock Doctrine, p. 396), squeezing even more money out of disasters.

A year after the tsunami, the respected non-governmental organization ActionAid, which monitors foreign aid spending, published the results of an extensive survey of fifty thousand tsunami survivors in five countries. The same patterns repeated everywhere: residents were barred from rebuilding, but hotels were showered with incentives to build on their land; temporary camps were miserable militarized holding pens, and almost no permanent reconstruction had been done. The study concluded that the setbacks could not be chalked up to the usual villains of poor communication, underfunding or corruption. The problems were structural and deliberate: “Governments have largely failed in their responsibility to provide land for permanent housing,” the report concluded. “They have stood by or been complicit as land has been grabbed and coastal communities pushed aside in favor of commercial interests” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 399).

Backed up by the guns of local police and private security, it was militarized gentrification, class war on the beaches (The Shock Doctrine, p. 402).

This is only partly about a violent economic scheme born in the University of Chicago School of Economics that has wreaked havoc all over the world. More fundamentally, it is about the gods we serve the gods our country is serving, and the terrible cost of serving gods not worth serving.

If you can ignore the plight of the vast majority of people, you see what a terrific opportunity for profit intentionally created military and economic crises and natural disasters can offer to those prepared to capitalize on them, as Milton Friedman had written back in 1982. But to think that way, you have to serve a god whose heart has been ripped out and replaced by a safety deposit box.

Everywhere the Chicago School crusade has triumphed, it has created a permanent underclass of between 25 and 60 percent of the population. It is always a form of war, always a form of economic genocide (The Shock Doctrine, p. 405).

Let’s spend a few final minutes on Katrina. It won’t surprise you to learn that Milton Friedman wrote in his Wall Street Journal op-ed, that Katrina was “also an opportunity” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 410), because now you know exactly what he meant by that.

In New Orleans, as in Iraq – which I’ll talk about next week – no opportunity for profit was left untapped. For example, Kenyon, a division of the huge funeral conglomerate Service Corporation International (and a major Bush campaign donor), was hired to retrieve the dead from homes and streets. The company charged the state, on average, $12,500 per victim (The Shock Doctrine, p. 411).

Who pays for all this? In order to offset the tens of billions of dollars going to private companies in contracts and tax breaks, in November 2005 the Republican-controlled Congress announced that it needed to cut $40 billion from the federal budget. Among the programs that were slashed were student loans, Medicaid and food stamps. In other words, the poorest citizens in our country subsidized the contractor bonanza in New Orleans twice – first when Katrina relief morphed into unregulated corporate handouts, and second when the few programs that directly assist the unemployed and working poor nationwide were gutted to pay those bloated bills. Not so long ago, disasters were periods of social leveling, rare moments when communities put divisions aside and pulled together. Increasingly, however, disasters are the opposite: they provide windows into a cruel and ruthlessly divided future in which money and race buy survival (The Shock Doctrine, p. 413). While the assets and social programs of a government – including our own – are plundered, laws are rewritten to make the plundering technically legal, and social supports are cut, helping to weaken and eliminate the middle class.

Here’s another way to put this. A small but powerful group of moral midgets has invaded our world. Through tactics of fear and terror, they have put hundreds of millions of people who are their moral and spiritual superiors on their knees or on their backs. It is not right. Can so many good people really be kept on their knees and their backs forever? Would any decent gods sanction such brutality? Could any people of decent and healthy faith abide such an unfair and immoral state?

Well, as you’ve also seen coming, this story is continued until next week.

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�

Davidson Loehr

23 March 2008

PRAYER:

May our dark places begin to see the light.

May the large and small deaths we have endured release their grip on us, so that we may return to life.

May the apprehension which has stifled us give way to hope and trust.

May all those who have suffered know they have suffered enough, and that it is time to reclaim their dreams, and their courage.

There are two kinds of people: those who are alive and those who are afraid.

But now it is Easter. It is time to come back to life – in our hearts, our lives, and our relationships.

The night has lasted long enough. It is Easter. Let us reclaim our lives.

Amen.

SERMON: Crucifixion and Resurrection in Real-Time (Part III of the Most Dangerous Fundamentalism on Earth)

This is the third in a series of sermons on the most dangerous fundamentalism on earth – a pretty serious subject. But it’s also Easter Sunday in the traditions of Christianity, florists, restaurants, and those who hunt for Easter Eggs, so I want to honor the seriousness of the first subject and the optimism of the second – a feat that might sound like it would have to be a miracle.

The story of Easter is the Christian version of the universal story of our hope that somehow death isn’t the last word, negating the significance of our lives. Hindus had addressed this a few centuries earlier through their metaphor of reincarnation. And you know the even older Egyptian myth of the Phoenix rising from its own ashes. It’s one of our oldest hopes.

Religious liberals usually see these stories, as I do, as metaphors, about psychological sorts of resurrection, or about the hope that life doesn’t have to kill your spirit, the spirit of love or hope, or the spirit of a people. Liberal biblical scholars talk of the resurrection this way, too.

The crucifixion I’ll talk about, however, is all too real. It has involved and continues to involve the real deaths of millions of people, the destruction of economies and societies, and the murder of hope, right here in our real world.

That’s the story of the most dangerous fundamentalism on earth – what author Naomi Klein calls the capitalist fundamentalism of the past 36 years, centered in Milton Friedman and the University of Chicago School of Economics, also called the Chicago School, or the Chicago Boys.

It made its dramatic entry on September 11, 1973 when, with the backing of our CIA, the brutal General Pinochet murdered the democratically elected president Salvadore Allende in Chile and unleashed a reign of robbery and terror from which the majority in Chile have never recovered.

By the 1980s, a sophisticated and coordinated plan for repeating all of this had been pretty much perfected:

First, they were aware and ready when a crisis happened or could be helped to happen, that could adequately paralyze a nation so they could apply what Friedman called their economic shock therapy. Since they had all these plans worked out, it was like having an overnight bag you could take with you on the next flight out to the latest crisis.

Chicago-trained economists arrived to show those in the power structure how to immediately rewrite the economic structures and laws, to remove all obstacles to looting by American and multinational corporations. This followed the 500-page plan they had put together after Pinochet’s murder of Chile’s president Allende in 1973.

The plan for kidnapping, torturing, terrorizing and killing citizens who opposed this theft had become standardized, following the procedures set out in our CIA interrogation manual known as Kubark. Put together in 1963, the CIA is still using it as their key interrogation manual. It’s the book that prescribes the early-morning or late-night kidnapping, hooding, beating, sensory deprivation, electroshock, and techniques like waterboarding of which we’re all aware.

Finally, a strong police or military presence and varying degrees of violence have been necessary every time Friedman’s ?Chicago School? economic plans have been put in effect, for obvious reasons: these are plans to loot entire societies, and the majority of people in those societies will not take it if they have the means to resist – especially the workers. The purpose of rewriting the laws, selling off the government assets, destroying workers’ unions, social support networks and bringing in kidnapping, torture, terrorism and murder is to insure that they won’t have the means or the will to resist.

But the violence isn’t the point. The violence enables the robbery. These are extraordinarily violent armed robberies. These methods have used in so many countries: Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, Africa, Russia, China, Asia, Iraq and others. Some would also add England under Thatcher and our country since Reagan.

But today, I want to talk about only one of the countries where these practices were put into effect – Russia – in order to save time for the ?resurrection? part, the turning of the tide, the things that people around the world have begun to do to counter this economic plan.

Between 1989 and 1991 the old USSR collapsed. This had been our Cold War enemy. The most hawkish voices in and behind our government now believed that we had no rival for power in the world – and, we believed, no one could stop our greed or our aggression. Just like in a bad movie or video game, we thought we could rule the world. And the real point of ruling the world is money, not just bragging rights.

This occasion brought about the second September 11^th event in this story, on September 11^th, 1991. That’s when President George HW Bush made the speech in which he introduced the phrase ?a New World Order.? The New World Order simply meant a world ruled by American corporate interests, since we believed there was now no one to stop us.

A few words on this date of September 11^th, which figures prominently three times in this story. It seems very odd, but I have no idea how or why it would have been an intentional part of a huge overall plan. So as far as I can tell, it’s just one of those strange coincidences of history.

When Russia’s new president Boris Yeltsin came to the World Bank and IMF for help, they responded with this economic plan designed to destroy the Russian economy and remove all barriers to a feeding frenzy of foreign, mostly American, capitalists looting the entire Russian economy.

On October 28, 1991, Yeltsin announced the lifting of price controls, and the Russian economy was on its way to being decimated (The Shock Doctrine, p. 223). By the end of the day, his military assault on his own people had taken the lives of approximately five hundred people and wounded almost a thousand, the most violence Moscow had seen since the Russian Revolution of 1917 (The Shock Doctrine, p. 229).

The Chicago Boys went on a law-making binge, ramming through huge budget cuts, the price hikes on basic food items, including bread, and even more and faster auctioning off of government assets, at a mere fraction of their worth (The Shock Doctrine, p. 230). They quickly sold off the country’s approximately 225,000 state-owned companies (The Shock Doctrine, p. 223).

The average Russian consumed 40 percent less in 1992 than in 1991, and a third of the population fell below the poverty line. The middle class was forced to sell personal belongings from card tables on the streets – desperate acts that the Chicago School economists praised as ?entrepreneurial,? proof that a capitalist renaissance was indeed under way, one family heirloom and second-hand blazer at a time (The Shock Doctrine, p. 225). If you had to sell your possessions in order to eat, is ?entrepreneurial? the word you would choose? Can you feel the indifferent and brutal spirit of what Naomi Klein is calling this fundamentalist capitalism? Can you see why so much violence was necessary, to steal so much from so many people, and why one of Friedman’s critics called it economic genocide?

Communism may have collapsed without firing a single shot, but fundamentalist capitalism, it turned out, required a great deal of gunfire: Yeltsin called in five thousand soldiers, dozens of tanks and armored personnel carriers, helicopters and elite shock troops armed with automatic machine guns – all to defend Russia’s new capitalist economy from the grave threat of democracy (The Shock Doctrine, p. 228).

Yeltsin’s assistant in charge of auctioning off hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of government assets to corporations became one of the most outspoken champions of Pinochet’s tactics. ?In order to have a democracy in society there must be a dictatorship in power,? he pronounced (The Shock Doctrine, p. 232). This is perfect Orwellian 1984 doublespeak! The phrase ?democracy in society? here means simply the freedom of corporations to loot the entire economy without restraint. And the ?dictatorship of power? and the terrible violence it unleashed was not seen as an enemy of democracy, because no one planning this ever cared about the rights of workers, or anyone else who stood in the way. Human life counted for very little compared to the potential profits at stake.

Just like his mentor Pinochet’s, Yeltsin’s own family grew very rich, his children and several of their spouses appointed to top posts at large firms looted from the government (The Shock Doctrine, p. 233). It was like the old American Depression song, ?The rich get richer and the poor get poorer, but ain’t we got fun!? — but without the fun parts.

In the absence of a major famine, plague or battle, never have so many lost so much in so short a time. By 1998, more than 80 percent of Russian farms had gone bankrupt, and roughly seventy thousand state factories had closed, creating an epidemic of unemployment. In 1989, before the Chicago School economic shock therapy, 2 million people in the Russian Federation were living in poverty, on less than $4 a day. By 1997, 74 million Russians were living below the poverty line, according to the World Bank. That means that the ?economic reforms? imposed on Russia can claim credit for the impoverishment of 72 million people in only eight years (The Shock Doctrine, p. 238).

Nor were these catastrophic results unique to Russia; the entire thirty-five year history of the Chicago School experiment has been one of mass corruption and violent collusion between police states and large corporations. The point of the economic shock therapy is to open up a window for enormous profits to be made very quickly – and to eliminate all effective resistance by whatever means necessary (The Shock Doctrine, p. 241).

This is the crucifixion that has gone on for the last 40-50 years in countries all over the world – always, it seems, with the backing of our CIA and the involvement of some of our largest corporations and wealthiest individuals.

The parallels to the crucifixion of Jesus are surprisingly apt. Many biblical scholars believe the single event that doomed Jesus was his scene in Jerusalem’s huge temple, turning over the moneychangers’ tables, trying to stop them from making an unnecessary profit from the people. It’s not a coincidence that the most violent torture, suppression and murder in every country from Chile to Russia and others has been against workers, workers’ unions, and the artists and intellectuals who spoke out against the looting.

Popular religion wants to make Jesus a sweet pietistic figure who just preached love. But while that message might get someone ignored by the authorities, it wouldn’t get them killed. In his real life, his crucifixion may have had a lot to do with his activism on behalf of the poor.

And the resurrection as liberal Christian scholars understand it wasn’t about a dead man rising and walking again. It meant that after Jesus had died, some of his followers began to believe that he and his message had represented a perspective far higher and more life-giving than they could grasp simply by saying he was a wise man.

On the first two Sundays in April, I’ll go back to talk about some of the other countries where we have used these methods and the new developments in the tactics for doing so. But I want to spend the rest of our time on the ?resurrection,? the return to life of some of the devastated countries, how they did it, and how it might encourage and empower us.

The three chief financial institutions that have supported the economic looting were the International Monetary Fund, or IMF, the World Trade Organization, or WTO, and the World Bank. All three may now be among the moneychangers being thrown out of some of the world’s temples.

The International Monetary Fund had played a powerful role in helping to destabilize many countries so they could be looted, but eventually people caught on. After 1998, it became increasingly difficult to impose the shock therapy-style makeovers – through the usual IMF bullying or arm-twisting at trade summits. The defiant new mood coming from the South made its global debut when the WTO talks collapsed in Seattle in 1999. You probably remember the news stories about the college-age protesters then, but the real rebellion took place inside the conference center, when developing countries formed a voting bloc and rejected demands for deeper trade concessions as long as Europe and the US continued to subsidize and protect their domestic industries. Within a few years, the US government’s ambitious dream of creating a unified free-trade zone encompassing all of Asia-Pacific was abandoned, as were a global investors’ treaty and plans for a Free Trade Area of the Americas, stretching from Alaska to Chile (The Shock Doctrine, p. 279).

Remember that the words ?free trade? are code. They refer to a system whereby multinational corporations are allowed free entry into foreign markets, while subsidizing many of their own industries. So we can destroy local industries because the subsidized products we bring in can unfairly undercut them. This is how many feel we may destroy the native corn crops in Mexico with subsidized, artificially cheap American corn.

Ever since the Argentine collapse in 2001, opposition to foreign looting has become the defining issue of the continent, able to make governments and break them; by late 2006, it was practically creating a domino effect. Columbia seems to be the only Latin American country in which we still have some economic control (The Shock Doctrine, p. 451).

Latin America’s mass movements are learning how to build shock absorbers into their organizing models. They are less centralized than in the sixties, making it harder to destroy whole societies by eliminating a few leaders and replacing them with people who are willing to sell out their countries in return for immense personal wealth and power. The progressive networks in Venezuela are highly decentralized, with power dispersed at the grass roots and community level, through thousands of neighborhood councils and co-ops (The Shock Doctrine, p. 453-454).

In Venezuela, Chavez has made the co-ops a top political priority, giving them first refusal on government contracts and offering them economic incentives to trade with one another. By 2006, there were roughly 100,000 cooperatives in the country, employing more than 700,000 workers (The Shock Doctrine, p. 455).

How effective has this been? In 2005, Latin America made up 80 percent of the IMF’s total lending portfolio; in 2007, the continent represented just 1 percent – a sea change in only two years. The transformation reaches beyond Latin America. In just three years, the IMF’s worldwide lending portfolio had shrunk from $81 billion to $11.8 billion, with almost all of that going to Turkey. Naomi Klein believes that the IMF, a pariah in so many countries where it has treated crises as profit-making opportunities, is starting to wither away. The World Bank faces an equally grim future. In the midst of the Wolfowitz affair, The Financial Times reported that when World Bank managers dispensed advice in the developing world, ?they were now laughed at.? Add the collapse of the World Trade Organization talks in 2006, and the futures of the three main institutions that had imposed the Chicago School ideology look to be at risk of extinction (The Shock Doctrine, p. 457).

This may signal the end of an era of American piracy that history will look back on in shame – depending, as always, on who gets to write that history. But as an Easter topic, it’s about the difference in the spirits and gods being served, about which ones can bring life. Easter, reincarnation, the Phoenix myth and all other resurrection stories, are always about the victory of life-giving spirits over smaller and more selfish ones.

This looks like it could be the reincarnation of the spirit of life and hope in new bodies and opportunities. And it looks like the rebirth of the sons and daughters of God, again living with power and authority. That’s what all religions worthy of the name teach as our sacred right during our days on this earth.

Let us seek and claim them. To all those in Latin America and other recovering countries, and to all of us seeking to survive the large and small deaths in our lives as well – Happy Easter.

Podcast: Play in new window | Download

© Davidson Loehr

 9 March 2008

 First UU Church of Austin

 4700 Grover Ave., Austin, TX 78756

 www.austinuu.org

Listen to the sermon by clicking the play button.

PRAYER:

Let us not underestimate the high cost of serving low gods, for we become what we worship.

Let us learn the names of the gods we serve with our lives. The gods have many names, as they’ve always had: fear, greed, insecurity, power, anger, money, compassion, inclusion, exclusion – their names are legion. And each one will shape us in its own image, for better and worse.

Can we pay the economic cost of serving fairness and the cause of an equitable income for all? Can we pay the human cost of greed or indifference? Will we be so indiscriminately inclusive that we welcome toxic people into our lives? Will we be so indiscriminately exclusive that we lose touch with our greater and nobler humanity? Will serving power mean destroying justice, love, even people?

There are many questions because there are many gods, each with their own seductive demands, each able to make us look like them if only we will give them our lives.

May we seek to live in such a way that we can look back on the path we chose with pride, because it helped make us a blessing to ourselves and others. May we serve only gods that can give us life, not merely the illusion of it.

Religious prophets and sages have said forever that only the greater gods of compassion, justice, service and love can give us the life we seek.

Let us consider that they may be right.

Amen.

SERMON: The Most Dangerous Fundamentalism on Earth, Part 2

This is the second in a series of three sermons this month and at least two next month, all based on Naomi Klein’s book The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. I think I have done two sermons based on one book only once before. While I don’t expect you all to rush out and read this long and difficult book, I do want to tell you why I think it’s worth this much of my and our time. A reviewer for the San Francisco Chronicle said, “Klein may well have revealed the master narrative of our time.” I think that’s right. I think she has put together the pieces of the complex story that has been behind most of the political coups and violence in the world for at least the past 35 years – at least the parts in which our country has been involved, overtly or covertly.

Here are some details that resulted from this master narrative in just the past few years, showing only one small part of it:

At the most chaotic juncture in Iraq’s civil war, a new law was unveiled that would allow Shell and British Petroleum to claim the country’s vast oil reserves. Immediately following September 11, the Bush Administration quietly gave out tens of millions, then hundreds of millions of our tax dollars for running the “War on Terror” to Halliburton and Blackwater. After a powerful tsunami devastates the coasts of Southeast Asia, armed guards prevent residents from returning to their fishing huts on the beach, and the pristine beaches are auctioned off to tourist resorts. New Orleans’s residents, still scattered from Hurricane Katrina, discover that their public housing, hospitals and schools will never be reopened.

These are all small sophisticated parts of the methods that have been carefully crafted to serve the agenda of the fundamentalist capitalism I talked about last week.

Those goals of fundamentalist capitalism are:

– to undo all the gains of the New Deal that had empowered workers and the middle class.

– to take money from governments and workers, return it to the opulent minority and reduce the masses to disposable people, most of whom are sent permanently below the poverty line.

– to loot the world’s economies, making them serve American corporate interests.

These sound so over-the-top, so dramatic. At the very least, they are very ambitious plans. How could anyone possibly do it?

While the methods are easy to describe now, they didn’t fall out of the sky in a leatherbound book – though there are at least three key books at the heart of this plan.

But the methods evolved, picking up useful ideas as they came along, developing them behind the scenes.

One of the first ideas, which played a central role came from a set of psychological experiments done over fifty years ago.

They were done at McGill University in Montreal which our CIA began funding in 1957. They were run by a psychologist named Ewan Cameron – whom the director of psychology at McGill described as “criminally stupid” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 35). But stupid or not, Dr. Cameron helped change our world more powerfully than all of us here, all of our friends, and all of their friends combined are likely to do. As overstated as that might seem, I think it’s actually a very conservative estimate.

Dr. Cameron believed he could erase a person’s mind, turn it into a blank slate, and rewrite it any way he wanted, by using massive amounts of electroshock treatment, combined with keeping his patients in extreme isolation for weeks, and overloading their systems with drug cocktails of LSD, PCP and many others.

Dr. Cameron was half right. He could almost completely destroy a person’s mind. After these experiments were discovered in the late 1970s through a freedom of information act, a few of the severely damaged patients successfully sued the CIA, which settled for $750,000, the largest settlement ever paid out by the agency.

But at the time, several researchers at the CIA became interested in his methods as a special interrogation technique. They funded research at eighty institutions, including 44 universities and 12 hospitals. Their relationship with Dr. Cameron dates back to June 1, 1951. (The Shock Doctrine, p. 33)

By 1963, our CIA had incorporated Dr. Cameron’s electroshock, sensory deprivation, and drug and sensory overload techniques into a Counterintelligence Interrogation handbook (which they call Kubark), which claims it can take a resistant person and “destroy his capacity for resistance.” In other words, torture. (The Shock Doctrine, p. 39) The Kubark was the first of the three books undergirding what would become the revolution of capitalist fundamentalism.

A historian writing on the evolution of torture since the Inquisition describes the Kubark manual’s shock-inducing formula as “the first real revolution in the cruel science of pain in more than three centuries.” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 41) Here’s some more of how it works:

Prisoners are captured in the most jarring and disorienting way possible, late at night or in early-morning raids, as the manual instructs. They are immediately hooded or blindfolded, stripped and beaten, then subjected to some form of sensory deprivation. And from Guatemala to Honduras, Vietnam to Iran, the Philippines to Chile, China, Russia and Iraq, the use of electroshock is everywhere. (The Shock Doctrine, p. 41)

In February 2006, the Intelligence Sciences Board, an advisory arm of the CIA, published a report that said that “a careful reading of the Kubark manual is essential for anyone involved in interrogation” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 43). It’s hard to overstate the influence on our world today of this “criminally stupid” man of fifty years ago.

Before long, those in our CIA looking for more effective methods of terrorizing and controlling people realized these same techniques of psychological “shock and awe” could be used to terrorize and control entire populations. This would become an absolutely essential part of the Chicago School’s plan to erase existing laws and freedoms, and remake whole economies to loot trillions of dollars of government assets paid for by taxpayers, while systematically destroying the ability of the middle class to resist, or to recover.

Since 1973, the economic plans have followed Milton Friedman’s theories. He had three rules that must always be applied, which some have called the “free-market trinity.” They’re in code, so I’ll translate them.

1. The first involves wholesale looting. Selling off government assets bought by the citizens for a fraction of their worth to your favored buyers, who may be family, Communist party members, or US or multinational corporations who support you. (The code word for this is “privatization.”)

2. Second, remove all legal constraints, to make the looting fast and easy. (The code word for this is “deregulation.”)

3. Then third, loot all the funds used for social support of the citizens: schools, social security, roads, insurance, medical care, etc. This is a lot of money, and it disempowers those most likely to oppose you. It helps eliminate the middle class and make fear and insecurity systemic – and, hopefully, permanent. (The code words for this are “cuts to social spending.”)

These are the real-world meanings of the words “privatization,” “deregulation” and “cuts to social spending.”

As you can imagine, it will take a lot of power, and almost certainly a lot of violence, to do this, for the simple reason that people will not stand by and be robbed, disempowered and disposed of, if they are able to resist.

So one more important piece of the puzzle was still needed, and we found it in 1965. That was the year our CIA helped Suharto overthrow Sukarto in Indonesia. They had overthrown Mosadegh in Iran in 1953 and replaced him with the brutal Shah, and removed Guatemala’s leaders in 1954 at the direct request of the United Fruit Company. But those were child’s-play compared with the Suharto case. These events were so long ago, many of us may not even know the names, and others may not imagine how they could matter any more.

Sukarto’s sin, as was always the case, was that he would not bend to U.S. corporate interests. He had thrown out the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which he recognized as tools of U.S. corporate ambitions. So we, through our CIA, backed Suharto, who was attracted enough to the great personal wealth and power he’d been offered to sell out his whole country to the desires of U.S. corporate interests – which are usually called “American interests” or “U.S. interests,” in the code language used. Of course he brought the IMF and World Bank back. But he did something else that had not been expected, and which combined nicely with Dr. Cameron’s work to complete the method by which we could and did loot and destroy the economies and societies of a dozen more countries over the next forty years, to this day.

What he did was to unleash such extreme and immediate violence, torture and murder that he effectively destroyed the rebellious workers and middle class. Suharto’s incredible violence got the attention of those in the CIA who were plotting the overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile. They noted Suharto’s effective brutality, and the role of a group of Berkeley economists in redefining the country’s economy (The Shock Doctrine, p. 68)

The Berkeley Economists passed laws letting foreign companies own 100% of Indonesian resources, handed out “tax holidays,” and within two years, Indonesia’s natural wealth – copper, nickel, hardwood, rubber and oil – was being divided up among the largest mining and energy companies in the world (The Shock Doctrine, p. 69).

Suharto had shown that if massive repression was used preemptively, the country would go into a kind of shock, and resistance could be wiped out before it even took place. His use of terror was so merciless, so far beyond even the worst expectations, that a people who only weeks earlier had been collectively striving to assert their country’s independence were now sufficiently terrified that they ceded total control to Suharto and his henchmen. Ralph McGehee, a senior CIA operations manager during the years of the coup, said Indonesia was a “model operation”. You can trace back all major, bloody events run from Washington to the way Suharto came to power. The success of that meant that it would be repeated, again and again” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 69). This is part of the master narrative of our time.

Milton Friedman and the University of Chicago School of Economics had been educating economics students from Chile since 1956, hoping that a merely intellectual revolution could change their thinking inside Chile, and had even replaced most of Chile’s top economic advisors with Chicago trained economists. But Chile had found this “third way” of structuring an economy that empowered the government – which nationalized major industries and assets – and the workers, who had powerful unions and healthy middle-class pay, while eliminating the powerful American corporations. They were doing almost as well as American workers under Roosevelt’s New Deal – the structure that Friedman and the Chicago School wanted to destroy wherever they found it, and which the CIA, serving the interests of our corporations, also wanted to destroy.

Suharto’s success gave them the vision of a rich opportunity. If they could find a powerful leader in Chile who would gladly sell out his country in return for great personal wealth and power, coach him in following Suharto’s massive terrorism and brutality, then bring in Chicago School economists while the entire country was paralyzed by shock and awe, they could return Chile to a blank slate, then remake the economy of Chile in the image of Milton Friedman’s utopian vision of a world in which all wealth and power were back in the hands of the opulent minority. It’s not clear whether Friedman saw, or cared about, the immense human cost of his utopian scheme, or whether he actually believed the things he said. But it is clear that when Friedman used the word “freedom,” he meant only the freedom of wealthy corporations to loot the economy without restraint, not the freedom of the masses or the governments to stop them.

Chile offered the golden opportunity for both our CIA and Friedman’s economic theories. This first great coup, this first dramatic step toward what would later be called The New World Order, happened on September 11, 1973, and once again our CIA was behind the coup. Chile’s democratically elected president, Salvadore Allende, was talking about nationalizing the oil fields and removing foreign oil corporations. We were not about to permit that. The CIA backed an extraordinarily violent man named General Augusto Pinochet.

General Pinochet fired rockets into the presidential palace, killing Allende. He quickly instituted torture, mass killings and arrests to throw the rest of Chile into terror and remove his ideological opposition, as Suharto had done in Indonesia. Chile had had 161 years of democratic rule, the past 41 uninterrupted. It all ended almost immediately through the violence and terror – the “shock and awe” – of Pinochet (The Shock Doctrine, p. 76-77).

Very soon a 500-page book detailing the economic restructurings of the entire country appeared. It was the second important book, which because of its size was known as “The Brick.” The proposals in it bore a striking resemblance to those found in the third sacred text – the most sacred text – of fundamentalist capitalism: Milton Friedman’s book Capitalism and Freedom, containing the free-market trinity of those chilling code words: privatization, deregulation and cuts to social spending. (The Shock Doctrine, p. 77).

In the coming years, the same policies laid out in “The Brick” would be imposed in dozens of other countries under cover of a wide range of crises. But Chile was the start of it, on September 11, 1973 (The Shock Doctrine, p. 78).

Even three decades later, Chile is still held up by some as proof that Friedmanism works. But the country’s period of steady growth that is held up as proof of its miraculous success did not begin until the mid-eighties – a full decade after the Chicago Boys implemented shock therapy and well after Pinochet was forced to make a radical course correction – because in 1982, Chile’s economy crashed (The Shock Doctrine, p. 85).

The only thing that protected Chile from complete economic collapse in the early eighties was that Pinochet never sold off Codelco, the state copper mine company nationalized by Allende. That one company generated 85 percent of Chile’s export revenues, and kept it afloat (The Shock Doctrine, p. 85).

What Chile pioneered under Pinochet was an evolution of corporatism: a mutually supporting alliance between a police state and large corporations, joining forces to wage all-out war on the workers. By 1988, when the economy had stabilized and was growing rapidly, 45 percent of the population had fallen below the poverty line. The richest 10 percent, however, had seen their incomes increase by 83 percent. Even in 2007, Chile remained one of the most unequal societies in the world – out of 123 countries in which the United Nations tracks inequality, Chile ranked 116th, making it the 8th most unequal country on the list (The Shock Doctrine, p. 86).

Chile under the Chicago School rule was offering a glimpse of the future of the global economy, a pattern that would repeat again and again, from Russia to South Africa to Argentina: – roughly half the population excluded from the economy altogether; out-of-control corruption and cronyism; decimation of nationally owned small and medium-sized businesses; a huge transfer of wealth from public to selected private hands, followed by a huge transfer of private debts to be paid by taxpayers (The Shock Doctrine, p. 87).

Following their great success in Chile, our CIA and Friedman’s Chicago economists repeated their success in Brazil and Uruguay. Friedman traveled to Brazil in 1973, at the height of the regime’s brutality, and declared the economic experiment “a miracle.” Next was Argentina in 1976, when a junta seized power from Isabel Peron. That meant that all four countries that had once been the showcases of the Third Way were now run by US-backed military governments and were living laboratories of Chicago School economics (The Shock Doctrine, p. 87). It was an incredible coup that had been over twenty years in the making. No matter what I think of the gods being served here, I absolutely marvel at the brilliance and forethought of those behind the plans. If the world, like the world of professional wrestling, can be divided into the Smarts and the Marks, these are the Smarts, and I am among the Marks.

By the mid-seventies, “disappearances” of people had become the primary enforcement tool of the Chicago School juntas throughout the Southern Cone. An estimated thirty thousand people had been “disappeared” in Argentina alone (The Shock Doctrine, p. 90). “Disappeared,” you understand, is another code word. It means kidnap, torture and murder.

The torture followed the trademark methods codified in the Kubark manual: early morning arrests, hooding, isolation, drugging, forced nudity, electroshock. And everywhere, the terrible legacy of the McGill experiments in deliberately induced regression (The Shock Doctrine, p. 92).

The exact number of people who went through the Southern Cone’s torture machinery is probably somewhere between 100,000 and 150,000, tens of thousands of them killed (The Shock Doctrine, p. 94).

As Naomi Klein puts it, “Extreme violence has a way of preventing us from seeing the interests it serves (The Shock Doctrine, p. 327).”

And the media have mis-reported these coups for decades, focusing on all the sensational torture, murder, violence, and human rights abuses. At the same time, they have commended the countries in opening their doors to American corporations, and making what they like to call the transition to democracy or free trade. The word “democracy” here does not mean the people have freedom. It means the corporations have freedom and the people don’t. The media and most human rights groups wrote the killings up as regrettable, unnecessary violence, as though they weren’t serving other goals. But they are organic parts of the Chicago School plan, which has never worked without great violence and murder. Naomi Klein put it very clearly, this way:

“In a way, what happened in the Southern Cone of Latin America in the seventies is that it was treated as a murder scene when it was, in fact, the site of an extraordinarily violent armed robbery (The Shock Doctrine, p. 125).” It is the crime which in this country we call homicide in the commission of a felony. In Texas, it’s a capital crime: you can get the death penalty for it.

I think this is one of Klein’s clearest insights into the master narrative of our times: that it was always about money, and the violence always served the greed – from Iran, Guatemala and Indonesia to the Southern Cone, Bolivia, China, Africa, Russia, Asia, England and Iraq. Does anyone really believe it will be stopped at the borders of our own country for long?

Much of this has to sound familiar. You’ve heard parts of it in hundreds of major news stories over the past 35 years. But there are two more stages in the evolution of the most dangerous fundamentalism on earth, which I’ll talk about in two weeks, and in April.

We are talking about what St. Paul called the “powers and principalities” that govern our world, the gods they serve, which are the gods we too have been taught to serve. If you buy the premise that people with immense wealth and power should be allowed to take whatever their superior forces grant them, then the human costs may seem insignificant, as they seemed to Friedman and his economists. But if the human costs of unrestrained greed – what are now many tens of millions of deaths and well over a billion humans thrown into permanent poverty – if those costs are insignificant, what have we become? What gods do we serve, and are they really giving us a life and a nation of which we can be proud?

Podcast: Play in new window | Download

© Davidson Loehr

 2 March 2008

 First UU Church of Austin

 4700 Grover Ave., Austin, TX 78756

 www.austinuu.org

Listen to the sermon by clicking the play button.

PRAYER:

It matters so much what we choose to worship. Let us not serve gods that are not worth serving. Let us not kiss the hand that hits us, not forgive those who systematically abuse us, or worship gods who do not love us.

We are surprisingly religious people, whether we know it or not. Our biggest religious problem is often the fact that we serve not wisely but too well. We often do what those around us do. We share their assumptions about life, about what’s worth spending our money on, what’s worth sacrificing for, about what sacrifices will lead us toward that heaven on earth known as The Good Life.

Most of the gods we serve with our lives are second-hand gods, hand-me-downs from other people. We get them from our family and friends, those we envy or admire. And we often serve them almost without question.

We must serve something with our lives. We must serve something that transcends and trumps the day-to-day ordinariness. We will serve gods, whether we recognize them or not.

Let us try to recognize the gods we are serving. Let us ask whether they are really worth serving, whether they give us life, or just drain it away from us.

Let us never worship gods that do not love us. Let us strive to serve only gods that are worth serving. For it matters so much, what we choose to worship.

Amen.

SERMON: The Most Dangerous Fundamentalism on Earth, Part 1

It’s been a long time since I’ve read anything that seemed to make so many clear patterns and connections as Naomi Klein’s new book The Shock Doctrine: the Rise of Disaster Capitalism.

It is the story of how a fundamentalist and brutal form of capitalism has been seeking since WWII to undo all the advances of Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, to transfer immense wealth and power to the largest corporations, the wealthiest people, and the politicians, governments and armies they control.

Mostly, I want to look at this story as a theologian rather than a historian. Religion is always about the gods we’re serving, and honest religion must always ask whether they are worth serving, or whether they are being used again by the few to enslave the many, as gods generally are; throughout history, most of our gods have been for sale to the highest bidder.

For better and worse, our religion is usually just concerned with our personal questions and issues, not what St. Paul called the “powers and principalities” that run our larger world. But those “powers and principalities” in the background always define some of the rules for the lives we live in the foreground. And the gods being served behind the scenes created by the powers and principalities make the difference between our world today and fifty years ago.

After WWII, this was a country in which the laws and economic priorities favored and empowered the middle class – the class that Aristotle said 2400 years ago had to be the empowered class for a democracy to work. Putting it theologically, the gods being served by the New Deal empowered the middle class’s economic possibilities, and controlled the greed of the wealthy and powerful individuals and corporations through taxes, unions, and government regulations.

Most middle-class women didn’t work outside the home then, but the man’s one paycheck was enough. The father of one of my boyhood friends drove a milk truck and delivered bottles of milk to the doorsteps of homes. You wouldn’t think he made much money, and he probably didn’t. But it was enough to buy a new house in a nice middle-class neighborhood, a car, and send two boys through college. It gave his family very good health insurance, gave him lifelong job security, and a retirement that let him and his wife spend their final years living in the style to which they had become accustomed since their early 20s. That’s a fair picture of the America I grew up in, where you could say the “powers and principalities” served the gods of the Old Testament prophets, the ones who cared for the poor and vulnerable.

Today, different gods are being served, and that has changed our world, as it was intended to. Both partners work in most families, but their combined income buys less than the one paycheck did forty to fifty years ago. Today our country has the highest infant mortality rate in the developed world, is the only industrialized country that doesn’t provide health insurance, has the lowest standard of living for its old people, and the most obscene discrepancy in income between the richest and the rest – CEO’s average more than four hundred times the pay of their workers, a tenfold increase in just the past thirty years. Public education is underfunded and underwhelming, and tax cuts for the rich are taken as always from public services to the rest. All of this is a result of the gods we are serving.

In my sermon on “Living under Fascism” 3-1/2 years ago, I linked together plutocracy, imperialism and fascism as necessary allies. I hadn’t thought to include violence, torture, illegal invasions and mass murder, but Naomi Klein shows that all these are among the means by which money and power must be taken from the masses, who will not give them up willingly.

Today, I’ll focus not on those means, but on what she calls fundamentalist capitalism. It goes by an amazing list of other names in the media. Here are a few of the synonyms I’ve found for it in the reading I’ve done – you’ve probably heard others, too:

“barbarian capitalism” (p. 452)

“savage capitalism” (French, pp. 448-450)

Reaganomics

Thatcherite

Chicago School Economics

The “Greed is good” school

Frontier capitalism

Gangster capitalism

Crony capitalism

Free-market capitalism

Laissez-faire capitalism

Disaster capitalism

Economic shock therapy (Friedman)

Hollow government, shrunk to a size that can be drowned in a bathtub, as Grover Norquist put it. Shrinking the government means removing all possible services that educate, empower and protect the lower and middle classes.

Plutocracy

Neoliberalism

Neoconservatism

Globalization

An entrepreneur’s utopia that exalts profits over people, owners over workers, and corporations over governments

Economic fascism

What all these have in common is the same guiding economic theory and the same guiding figure: Milton Friedman.

The larger history, though, is very old. For all of history, there has been a battle between power for the few and power for the many. Since money buys a lot more power than poverty does, power mostly serves those with money, rather than those without it.

The battle certainly goes back to the founding of our own country.

Alexander Hamilton declared that the people are “a great beast” that must be tamed (Noam Chomsky, Profits Over People, p. 46).

John Jay, the first Chief Justice of the Supreme court, said, “The people who own the country ought to govern it.” (Chomsky, 46) The primary responsibility of government is “to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority,” said James Madison, (Chomsky, 47) adding that those “without property, or the hope of acquiring it, cannot be expected to sympathize sufficiently with its rights.” His solution was to keep political power in the hands of those who “come from and represent the wealth of the nation,” the “more capable set of men.” (Chomsky, 48)

Madison soon learned differently, as the “opulent minority” began living by the motto “All for ourselves, and nothing for other people.” By 1792, Madison warned that the rising developing capitalist state was “substituting the motive of private interest in place of public duty,” leading to “a real domination by the few under [a merely] apparent liberty of the many.” (Chomsky, 52)

Thomas Jefferson also distrusted the emerging class of capitalists: “The selfish spirit of commerce knows no country, and feels no passion or principle but that of gain,” he wrote. (Jim Hightower, If the Gods Had Meant for Us To Vote, They Would Have Given Us Candidates, p. 283). Sounds surprisingly modern, doesn’t it? Today, we have unleashed that selfish spirit on nearly the whole world, under the name “Globalization,” and all the other more colorful names by which it is known.

But this battle between the rich and the rest has gone on forever. The last great victory for the middle class in our country came with President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. In a 1932 speech, Roosevelt addressed the problems of the depression by telling the American people that, “I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people.”

The New Deal Roosevelt had promised began to take shape immediately after his inauguration in March 1933. Based on the assumption that the power of the federal government was needed to get the country out of the depression, the first days of Roosevelt’s administration saw the passage of banking reform laws, emergency relief programs, work relief programs, and agricultural programs. Later, a second New Deal was to evolve; it included union protection programs, the Social Security Act, and programs to aid tenant farmers and migrant workers. What was “new” about the New Deal was that it served the masses rather than the masters – so the masters hated it.

In the short term, New Deal programs helped improve the lives of people suffering from the events of the depression. In the long run, New Deal programs set a precedent for the federal government to play a key role in the economic and social affairs of the nation, to rescue it from the unrestrained greed of America’s Robber Barons and Gilded Age, whose excesses had led the country into the Great Depression.

The reforms of the New Deal enabled my friend’s father to support his family on the pay of a milkman, and enabled a whole generation of the American middle class to become educated, financially stable and empowered as full citizens of our country, for the first time in two or three generations. The powers and principalities were forced to serve new gods and many of them hated it. They said that Roosevelt had betrayed his class by letting the poor come up for air, and they began planning how to get all the money and power back in the hands of that opulent minority, that “better class of men.” Madison had imagined.

In the 1950s, it was very hard to talk openly in polite society about returning to the era of unrestrained greed. But behind the scenes, a lot was going on. And at the time, it didn’t focus so much on our country – which was under the control of that rascal Roosevelt and his New Deal – as on the rest of the world, especially South America. After WWII, our country sought global economic dominance, in what we saw as a life-or-death struggle against Communism. Communism, in economic terms, is known as a liberal or far-left economy, since the government owns the most lucrative assets rather than wealthy corporations or individuals. American capitalism took the second path.

But in the four countries at the tip of South America, known as the Southern Cone, a third way had been found, which worked better and empowered governments and the people, though not wealthy industrialists and bankers. Chile, for example, had been a democracy for about a century and a half, and it began to look like Chile, Argentina, Uruguay and parts of Brazil might have a better economic plan than either the Soviet Union or the United States.

The workers in their factories formed powerful unions that negotiated middle-class salaries, and their children were sent off to study at newly built public universities. The gap between rich and poor began to narrow. By the 1950s, Argentina had the largest middle class on the continent, and Uruguay had a literacy rate of 95% and offered free health care for all citizens (The Shock Doctrine, p. 55).

If other countries followed this model, then this Third Way between the government control of Communism and the unregulated greed of laissez-faire capitalism could become the path of the future. This would disempower the very corporations and bankers who had earlier controlled our own government, and who wanted to regain that control. Worldwide, trillions of dollars were at stake. Solving the problem of those four South American countries was, in some ways, the most important problem in the world, even though most of us weren’t even aware of it.

The capitalists needed a long-range plan to change the economic thinking of people in these South American countries. They needed to make them stop thinking that an economy that empowered the government and the people – but not the corporations or the very wealthy – was good. They needed them to think that a good economy was one that empowered only the wealthy and the corporations, and they were willing to spend a lot of money to do this. Ideally, they would have them trained at the University of Chicago School of Economics, the most right-wing corporatist school of economics in the world. And that’s what they did.

Officially launched in 1956, the project saw one hundred students from Chile pursue advanced degrees at the University of Chicago School of Economics between 1957 and 1970, their tuition and expenses paid for by US taxpayers and US foundations. In 1965, the program was expanded to include students from across Latin America, with particularly heavy participation from Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. The expansion was funded through a grant from the Ford Foundation and led to the creation of the Center for Latin American Economic Studies at the University of Chicago. Under the program, there were forty to fifty Latin Americans studying graduate-level economics at any given time – roughly one-third of the department’s total student population. In comparable programs at Harvard or MIT, there were just four or five Latin Americans. In just a decade, the ultra-conservative University of Chicago had become the premier destination for Latin Americans wanting to study economics abroad, a fact that would shape the course of the region’s history for decades to come (The Shock Doctrine, p. 61). It was an absolutely brilliant plan.

Think of this activity as that of religious zealots paying missionaries to go to foreign countries and convert the natives, but with trillions of dollars at stake. This religious analogy isn’t far-fetched. Milton Friedman, the High Priest of this fundamentalist capitalism, had described himself as “an old-fashioned preacher delivering a Sunday sermon.” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 6) His evangelical mission, and the mission of the Chicago School of Economics, was about converting the natives of South America, to undo all the gains of the New Deal in our country, and to re-establish an economy that gave money and power back to the corporations and the very wealthy, so that those who owned the world could run it. Today, many believe their victory is nearly complete.

Like all fundamentalism, like all certainty, there was a blindness to this that was stunning.

In the 1990s, for example, Friedman looked back on Pinochet’s entire reign in Chile, which we’ll talk about next week – seventeen years of dictatorship and tens of thousands tortured – and saw it not as a violent unmaking of democracy but its opposite. “The really important thing about the Chilean business is that free markets did work their way in bringing about a free society,” Friedman said (The Shock Doctrine, p. 117-118). But no, Pinochet’s brutality closed the free society after a history of 161 years of democracy, the last 41 years continuously. He systematically tortured, murdered or intimidated those who disagreed, and it made Pinochet and his family very wealthy at the expense of the overwhelming majority of Chileans. This was a pattern we would see over and over again.

Even in 1991, Lawrence Summers, the chief economist of the World Bank, was quoted saying “spread the truth – the laws of economics are like the laws of engineering. One set of laws works everywhere.” (The Shock Doctrine, p. 218).

That kind of dogmatic certainty can’t be used until you’ve answered some very basic pre-economic questions, like:

– Who counts more: owners or workers, those who own stocks or those who don’t?

– How do you measure whether an economy is healthy? By the poverty rate, the number of uninsured citizens, literacy rates, infant mortality, the prospects for middle-class advancement and security, whether milk men could support their families – or by the net worth of the top 5%? If a few become very wealthy while the vast majority become destitute and powerless, is that progress or regress? If you go to Sao Paolo, Brazil and see some rich gleaming skyscrapers and hundreds of mansions, surrounded by millions of poor people in drug- and crime-infested ghettos, is the economy a success, or a failure? What if you make the same observation in our own country?

Lawrence Summers could be dogmatic because, like others who bought the Chicago School’s evangelical message, he had answered those questions in favor of the corporations and the very wealthy, and against the interests of 90-95% of the world. But those answers to the questions of who is to be empowered and what makes a healthy economy are more important than everything that follows, because they reveal what gods are being served by the economy.

It’s an amazing blindness, virtually identical to that found in the history of religions.

During the Crusades, the Catholic Church saw only taking land and assets from Muslim powers, not the systematic torture and slaughter of hundreds of thousands of God’s children.

During the Inquisition, the same church was completely oblivious to the brutality of the torture they routinely inflicted on thousands, or the many they murdered in the name of keeping their faith pure by exterminating those who did not share it.

Every major religion has these dark sides to their dogmatic certainty, as fundamentalist capitalism also does. And in the past 35 years, this form of capitalism shaped by Milton Friedman has fundamentally changed our country and our world.

You see how easy it is to become self-righteous, to shake our moral fingers at the Church, or at those with great money and power, identifying them as spawn of the devil from our perch of (mostly impotent) moral purity. I don’t want us to do that.

While we are not in those very high circles of money or power, we can identify with this thinking that our sort of inequality should be favored:

– If we have more education than others, or from more prestigious schools, we think it should make a difference, don’t we?

– We think that superstar athletes and entertainers deserve much more money than the vast majority of others, don’t we?

– If we think we’re good-looking, then we think looks should matter, don’t we? Whereas if we’re smarter than we are beautiful, we may think beauty is only skin-deep, and terribly over-rated when compared to intelligence.

Almost without exception, when the rights and privileges of inequality favor us, we favor them. So it shouldn’t surprise us if those who are good at collecting money and power are doing the same thing – favoring the inequality that favors them, and wanting restrictions on it removed. Wouldn’t most of us do the same? After all, it is very easy to rationalize! A few new cars and a mansion should do the trick.

We serve many different gods, and the gods we serve determine almost everything else about our lives and our world. If we are challenged, we’ll usually insist that our gods are our own business. But are they really? Do we really have no responsibility to others in choosing what gods we will serve? Should a society have no say in the gods, the ideals, served by its powers and principalities? These are not just political or social questions; they are also religious questions, theological questions.

Next week, I’ll continue this by going through the results of this powerful economic theory, what it has done to our world in the past four decades, and the methods necessary to achieve this revolution. The short answer is that nearly all the violence, all the torture, all the coups, all the human rights violations since the early 1970s have been driven by this fundamentalist capitalism, which Naomi Klein argues has never made the world better anywhere, but has caused almost immeasurable harm, as it continues to do to this day. Again, these are religious questions about the gods being served by the powers and principalities that govern our world. They affect us all. You may hear people talk about the difference between living and dead gods, especially when people say the gods of Western religion are dying, judged by the decline in church attendance and so on. Well, these gods of fundamentalist capitalism are living gods, wreaking their havoc in your world and in your life, in your credit card debt, in your diminished purchasing power and retirement hopes, and job security. Do you like them? Do you think they’re worth serving?

How do you fire gods? Here we are left in an awkward picture with our gods dangling.

Think about these things, will you? Think about the gods you’re serving: the gods, the values, running your life and your country. Think about whether they are worth serving, whether they are giving you life or draining it from you. And then think of that other odd question: how do you fire bad gods?

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© Davidson Loehr

 24 February 2008

 First UU Church of Austin

 4700 Grover Ave., Austin, TX 78756

 www.austinuu.org

Listen to the sermon by clicking the play button.

STORY: The Boy Who Loved Hamsters

Once there was a boy who loved hamsters. He badgered and badgered his parents until they finally did two things, one good and one not too smart. They bought him a hamster cage, food, and a hamster. That was good. But they bought him two hamsters. This wasn’t smart, because two hamsters don’t stay just two for very long. Hamsters are very friendly animals. And before long, he no longer had two hamsters, he had twenty.

But this boy loved hamsters, so he saw it as a good thing. He went to his parents protesting that the cage was too small, so they needed to buy him a much bigger cage. They did, and the hamsters kept doing what hamsters do. Before long, he didn’t have twenty hamsters, he had three hundred! They started buying food in ten-pound bags.

Still, the boy loved hamsters, so this was fine. But they had overgrown their cage, were running all over the house, hiding under and in the beds, crawling out from under pillows just as you were falling asleep.

“We need bigger cages, and many more of them,” he pleaded to his parents. “And a special place in the back yard where we can keep all the cages.” The parents yielded, and soon there was a kind of tenement rising in the backyard, with cages organized into blocks with little streets between them. The boy and a couple friends pushed a wheelbarrow down between the cages, throwing food into the rapidly increasing hamster population. There were way too many to play with now. It was all they could do to feed them. They began buying food in hundred-pound bags.

Before long, there weren’t three hundred hamsters, but about fifty thousand of them! They escaped from the cages, from the yard, and were running all over town, getting into everyone’s house, hiding under everyone’s bed and under everyone’s pillows. The town people didn’t like this.

A town meeting was called, but the boy was ready for them. “I really love hamsters,” he said, “but I understand you don’t want them running loose through your town. So the solution is to build a large boat, with several floors, and float it out in the Lake for these lovely, fluffy little hamsters. Then I can take a rowboat out each day to give them food.”

Somehow, he was persuasive, and the town actually built a huge boat. Before long there were millions of hamsters on the big boat. But now nobody could count them. They were breeding so fast they were getting crowded, and the more crowded they got, the meaner they got, so that it was no longer safe to get onto the boat to play with them – not that anybody could really play with millions of hamsters anyway!

Each day, the boy who loved hamsters rowed out to the big ship in his rowboat filled with hamster food, which they were now buying by the ton, and shoveled food over the sides of the ship before rowing back to shore. Still, he loved hamsters, and loved the idea of knowing there were so many of them out there, even if he had no contact with them any more.

While no one could count the hamsters any more, everyone in town could get a sense of their growing numbers just by watching the big boat sink lower and lower into the water every day. There were millions and millions of them onboard now.

Finally, the big boat sank into the Lake, taking all the hamsters with it. The boy who loved hamsters was very sad, and he called another town meeting.

“The problem,” he said, “was that the boat wasn’t big enough. We need to build a bigger boat – and more boats. And we should buy our own company to make hamster food, it will be cheaper. I’ve done some research, and if we fire about five hundred public school teachers and double the class size in public schools, and stop repairing the roads quite so often, we can afford to do it. And we must do it, because I really love hamsters. And after all, hamsters are God’s children, too.”

If you were on the city council, what would you say to the boy who loved hamsters?

PRAYER:

It’s so much harder to love humans than to love pets. Pets are easy: cages, food, a little contact when we’re around, and if they have any internal needs, they seem to take care of them. It’s like love with training wheels.

But to love humans – that can be so much harder! Food and safety are just the start. Then there’s cherishing them, having the emotional and psychological energy to care for their spirits; then education, day-to-day caring, character formation, years of working to help empower them, make them feel cherished, like children of God, the sons and daughters of the universe, Life’s longing for itself. The caring seems to go all the way down to where and how they live, these people we love. We challenge them, and forgive them; empower them to find their own voice, then learn to respect them when their empowered opinions differ from our own.

All of our lives seem like do-it-yourself kits that need the active help of others to be assembled well – others like family, friends, communities and society. The web is woven wide and fine, and we lose our connection with it at our peril.

There is a limit to the number of pets for which we can care well, and an even more important limit to the number of people for whom we can care well. There is the rub. Love doesn’t just magically spill over and grow to cover all the emotional demands placed on us. We must first be nourished and cared for, or we’ll have little to offer to others. It is so much harder than just loving pets. Let us learn to love, and learn to know the limits of our ability to love: to care for ourselves while caring for others. For we are all tied together, and if we cannot hold ourselves up, we cannot hold others up, either.

Jesus once said we should love others as we love ourselves, so being able to love ourselves comes first. Let us not assume that loving others is as simple as just feeling loving feelings about them. Let us try to remember that love begins at home – then, as we become filled, it can grow outward toward others. But first we learn to love ourselves as children of God, the sons and daughters of Life’s longing for itself. Let us remember that must come first.

SERMON: A Theological Argument for Abortion

I’m going to do something I’ve not really done here before: I’m going to give you a theological argument, supporting both birth control and abortion. I’m doing this because as a theologian, I believe that the issues of birth control and abortion are, at their most fundamental levels, not issues of individual rights, but theological issues, and that support for either side must ultimately be presented in the form of a defensible theological argument.

If the option of pro-choice is to be a religious position, eventually, it will have to be argued that there are times and cases when God demands an abortion. Not simply permits, not closes His or Her eyes to, but demands it.

The fundamental position of both the Roman Catholic church and the pro-life movement in general is that the most important of all considerations is the brute fact of a single individual human life. Every single human life, simply by virtue of being a human life, is considered to be sacred at every stage of development, even at conception. And more sacred than any other consideration. It is the quantity of life that is being defended, and not quality of life. This is consistent, historically, throughout most of the Catholic Church’s positions, and throughout most consistent pro-life arguments, as well.

This is how and why a Pope can stand in any large and desolate metropolitan city, looking in the faces of thousands and millions of women and children who are born to beg, born to sell their bodies and their souls in order to stay alive, born to die of starvation and disease-this is how he can look at those people, and tell them that it is a sin to practice birth control. Because the Bible and God command that we “choose life”, and the word “life” means individual human lives, every single one we can produce.

So birth control is seen as a sin against God, and cannot be permitted.

Likewise with abortion. As the Christian writer Tertullian said eighteen centuries ago in his brilliant and terse formula, “That is a person which will be a person: you have the fruit already in the seed.” And if it is to become a person, then from the start, that individual life is the sole focus of God’s concern, and either to actively stop conception from taking place, as birth control does, or to actively terminate the development of that zygote and fetus into another human being, as abortion does, is seen as a sin, a horrible crime, and must be stopped at all costs. As a theologian might put it, “God demands it.”

This is why those who think of themselves as pro-life have such zeal and such fervor and such a deep commitment to stopping what they see as a murderous crime against not only the individual conceptions, fetuses and children, but against God Himself. But now let’s look more closely at this.

If one human life is good, then two are better, and a million are better yet, and the six billion we have on the earth now are miracles of life to be welcomed and encouraged. But why stop with only six billion? Why not six trillion? The question is not when to stop population growth, but how it can ever be stopped.

How can the Roman Catholic church or pro-life people ever be in favor of birth control or abortion? No matter when it happens, the argument against it will be the same. People committed to the pro-life position will be called on to explain by what authority the new individual human lives are to be denied existence or terminated in their development. If an individual life, in and of itself, is always good, no matter how many children the mother has had by what age, no matter how many are crowded into a single woman’s life, a family’s life, or the squalor of inner-city ghettos, then how could anyone committed to “pro-life” ever argue for birth control or abortion?

Even if there were six trillion people, it would still be terminating the development of an individual human life, still be opposing our own will and our own values to God’s-assuming, of course, that these people have this God-business right in the first place.

Now many people would just say to leave God out of it, that this God is only a projection used by churches and politicians to control people. And it is certainly true that what passes for “God” is often little more than the hand puppet of charismatic preachers and politicians. But the issue of religious responses to life has to include a theological statement in God-language, because that’s how most people think.

This is such a complex topic, there are a lot of dimensions to it I can’t even consider today:

* I can’t talk, for instance, about our government’s support of anti-abortion and anti-birth-control policies that will guarantee that third world countries will never threaten us economically or militarily, and will instead become breeding tanks for desperate, cheap, illiterate labor.

* I can’t talk about the semi-alternative of adoption, and the fact that this becomes a strongly racial issue immediately as, in this country, it may be true that healthy white middle class babies are wanted for adoption, but not many Black babies, and not many babies from mothers addicted to Crack cocaine. Or the fact that pushing powerless women to carry a baby to term, then give it up for adoption is very close to turning poor women into breeding stock for more affluent people – and that’s an immoral proposition.

* And I can’t talk about the patriarchal agendas that lie behind both the conservative pro-lifers and the male-dominated Roman Catholic Church, where women have not, in twenty centuries, been able to become full people in their own right, and where forced breeding laws help keep them suppressed.

* Or the fact that while conservative churches talk as though abortion were murder, no church recognizes either an abortion or a miscarriage as the death of a human being that deserves a funeral or ritual blessings – as many heartbroken Catholic parents have learned in the most painful way. As far as I know, no religion in history has. So no matter what churches may say, the behavior of the churches looks like their abortion stance isn’t pro-life at all, but is primarily intended to keep women in their place as homemakers and breeders, controlled by the kind of men who have turned God into their hand puppet. It’s an offense to all honest religion.

You can think of many other important areas on this subject, any one of which could give rise to a dozen books and a hundred sermons, a bunch of parades and more than a few violent and bloody fights. But I will return to just the theological argument that sometimes God demands both birth control and abortions.

My model for this argument comes from the Roman Catholic Church, from a papal encyclical called Rerum Novarum, written by Pope Leo XIII in 1891. It has been updated by the church three times, in 1931, 1961, and 1991, to modernize the language and polish a few of the concepts.

As students of religion, political science, or labor movements will know, I have not picked an obscure papal encyclical. This is perhaps the most important thirty pages in the entire history of Christianity on the subject of religion’s relationship to laws that affect humans. This little document did more to change the social structures of the western world than the entire so-called “Social Gospel Movement” of which Protestant churches are so proud. It enabled changes in attitude that were absolutely fundamental, in getting both churches and governments to change child labor laws and help establish workers’ unions all over the world. And it did it because it was, at bottom, a theological argument of the first order, an argument about what human life is, and what it demands, or what God demands.

For nineteen centuries, the Roman Catholic Church had not cared about the fact that people at the bottom of the economic ladder have always been paid just enough to keep them alive. In fact, over and over again, the same passage from the Bible had been used to justify this state of affairs. It was the passage from Genesis, after Adam and Eve had been thrown out of the Garden of Eden, when God told Adam “by the sweat of your brow you shall live.” And so, the Church would repeat, life is hard, but that’s the way God planned it.

What Pope Leo XIII did in 1891 was to use the same Bible passage to justify the opposite position, and to lay the foundation for workers’ unions which the Church would support through its offices. Leo did it simply by emphasizing a different word in the sentence. “By the sweat of your brow,” he said, “you shall live!” And what, he asked, does it mean, “to live”? Does it mean merely to exist, to subsist at starvation level? Does it mean to live like lower animals do, or maybe like rats or cockroaches do? Are we promised, by this God of the Bible, only the absolute lowest possible quality of life? Is the mere quantity of life, the mere fact that we breathe all that religion offers? Is it, to keep it in the language of theism, all that God demands, the absolute minimum quality of life? Is it only about how many are alive, rather than how they are living? Is it like the story of the boy who loved hamsters – but without even bothering to feed them or give them a safe place to live?

No, said Pope Leo, it is not life like a lower animal which this God of the Bible demands for us. It is the life of a human being. And not the absolute minimal life of a human being, either. Pope Leo’s God demanded that our labors enable us to live fully, to realize the full potential of human beings. That means time for education, time for leisure, time for relaxation with friends and family, time not only to bear life like a burden, but as well to enjoy it, to live it, like free and empowered human beings.

Leo contrasted humans with lower animals, which he called “brutes.” Now hear this remarkable Pope’s words as he describes the “brute”:

The brute has no power of self-direction, but is governed by two chief instincts”. These instincts are self-preservation and the propagation of the species”. But with [humans] it is different indeed”. It is the mind, or the reason, which is the chief thing in us who are human beings; it is this which makes human beings human, and distinguishes them essentially and completely from the brute. (“Rerum Novarum,” in Seven Great Encyclicals, New York: Paulist Press, 1963, p. 3)

And what is the role of the Church in all of this? “Its desire is that the poor, for example, should rise above poverty and wretchedness, and should better their condition in life; and for this it strives,” wrote this Pope. (p. 14) And if conditions existed which robbed humans of the possibility of living like humans rather than brutes, if people found themselves in

“conditions that were repugnant to their dignity as human beings” if health were endangered by excessive labor, or by work unsuited to sex or age-in these cases there can be no question that within certain limits, it would be right to call in the help and authority of the law [to do what] is required for the remedy of the evil or the removal of the danger.”

And why? Why must the Church and the law do these things? Because God demands it! Demands it, because humans must be given living conditions which allow them to develop fully to the limits of their potential as educated, intelligent, creative, and joyful people. It is for that they were created, and conditions which make that impossible are not merely wrong, they are evil.

Each creature must be allowed to live to the fullest extent possible for that kind of creature, and you can get a dependable idea of what is possible for it by looking at what it has done under ideal conditions. And when you have understood the fullest potential of a species, you have understood what, in theological terms, is God’s will for it. Then, when conditions within our control keep a person from ever growing into their full potential, then the Church, and all people with religious sensitivities, must try to remove those conditions. And why? Because God demands it. I have mixed ordinary language and theological language here, but I will trust that you can understand what I’m saying.

This essay, written 117 years ago, changed the position of the Church, a position which it had held and enforced for nineteen centuries. Even traditions which have existed since the beginning of the religion can be changed, as our understanding of the fullest potential of life is expanded. In other words, the fact that things have always been done a certain way is not necessarily an argument for continuing to do them that way. And now we can bring this full circle.

Times have changed. The population of the world has increased almost exponentially since 1891, even moreso since the era when the Bible was written. The deadly effect of overpopulation and under-education on the possibility of living like human beings has never existed the way it does today. The pressures on single mothers and working families without the support of large extended families or social support has never been this consistently brutal. Neither the religious scriptures of the West nor established theological traditions have yet had to address this changed situation.

But now they do. And both the fact and the threat of more births and of more human beings is now among the chief conditions that make it impossible for many, many people – both mothers and children – ever to have the chance of living like empowered, cherished human beings. They will be driven instead, as Pope Leo said of the “brutes”, by only two instincts: self-preservation, and more breeding.

Would you like to see what it looks like when human beings live only like animals, driven only by self-preservation and propagation of the species? Go to Mexico City. Or Chicago. Or Detroit. Or New York City. Go to the ghettos, the slums, the shantytowns of the world, and you will see the evil conditions, and the results of those evil conditions.

Do you want to see it up close, one-on-one? Look at teen-aged girls pregnant with their second or third child, trapped in a system from which most will never escape. Nor are there are many kinds of employment open to many of these women. With grade-school educations, what are they to do? They can be prostitutes and their boyfriends can be pimps, drug pushers and drug takers, or exploited laborers living at the edge of starvation and kept there by a system which can demand from them what it chooses and give them no more than it must.

The Church’s desire, wrote Pope Leo, “is that the poor – should rise above poverty and wretchedness, and should better their condition in life; and for this it strives.” And further, if conditions arise “that [are] repugnant to their dignity as human beings” if health were endangered by excessive labor, or by work unsuited to sex or age-in these cases there can be no question that within certain limits, it would be right to call in the help and authority of the law [to do what] is required for the remedy of the evil or the removal of the danger.”

By the very reasoning which the Roman Catholic Church itself has used in its most famous and powerful document for social change, the grotesque overpopulation in many parts of the world is an evil which must be opposed because it is anti-life and unholy. It is destroying even the possibility that these people will ever rise above the level of the “brutes” and become human beings.

And this applies first to the people we already have, not those who aren’t yet born. If we can’t cherish and empower the most fragile people we have – and so often that means teen-aged girls and single mothers – then we have no more right than the boy who said he loved hamsters to bring any more lives into a world we have failed or refused to make safe and humane for them.

It is perhaps the first time in history that those who want to defend their position as religious must begin to recognize that both birth control and abortion are not the enemies of religion, but are instead friends. Birth control is not just an economic necessity today, but a religious one, as well. God demands it, because people cannot live like human beings in the squalor of the slums and shantytowns in which they will forever be defined, like brutes, by the basic animal instincts of self-preservation and breeding – and, of course, economic exploitation.

The world doesn’t need more people; it’s already badly overcrowded. We have doubled the population of the world in less than forty years, which is close to breeding like hamsters. But breeding isn’t a high calling. Anything can breed. The higher calling is asking whether we can be proper stewards of the life we would bring forth. If we can’t, it is wrong to let our higher calling be smothered by the fertile productions of the much lower calling of merely breeding. We are meant for more than that, and are urged – commanded – not to settle for less.

That boy did not love hamsters. He only loved the idea of hamsters, and the idea of owning hamsters. He didn’t love real hamsters, because you don’t put creatures you love into miserable, crowded, filthy ghettos that keep them your captives until they die. That’s selfish abuse, not grown-up love. Love demands that we stop bringing forth so much life that we can’t cherish and empower our offspring. This is true both for woman and for societies, and needs to shape our societal laws about sex education, birth control and abortion.

And when sex education doesn’t exist, when birth control fails, and the only hope left for a woman, a family, a ghetto, a city, or a world is an abortion, when an abortion is the only means left of removing a condition which threatens to return this human or these humans to the level of mere brutes, then the church, the state, and all who are really pro-life must, by God, not only condone those abortions, but help the people to get them, safely and easily. God demands it.

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© Davidson Loehr

 10 February 2008

 First UU Church of Austin

 4700 Grover Ave., Austin, TX 78756

 www.austinuu.org

Listen to the sermon by clicking the play button.

PRAYER:

Here in the midst of the miracle of life, we come to see if there might be a secret to it, a way of living that pays us in a better kind of currency.

Not pay in dollars, but in satisfaction, by helping us find more life, fuller life, more gratifying and grateful life.

Over and over, week after week, we come here to be reminded of the yearnings that hold the key to our hearts and souls.

And we come back because we know it isn’t as simple as just taking someone else’s authoritative answer. We come to hear and feel what might some day become part of our own answer to the perennial questions of who we are, what is worth believing, and how we should live.

The search itself is as sacred as it is frustrating, and it can bless each of us who show up to do the work of self-examination. There is hope there. And, thank goodness, there is also time. There is time for us to learn better how best to live. There is time for us.

Amen.

SERMON: The Parable of the Vineyard Workers

Jesus’ parable of the vineyard workers (Mt 20:1-15, adapted here from the Scholars Version done by the Jesus Seminar) is one of the most intriguing religious stories I know, and one of the hardest to pin down to a single interpretation. So I want to talk about it with you this morning. The Jesus Seminar rated it the third highest among the parables most likely to be authentic – in other words, a story Jesus actually told in something like this form.

I won’t assume you know the story, so will begin by reading it to you:

For the kingdom of God is like a vineyard owner who went out the first thing in the morning to hire workers for his vineyard. After agreeing to pay the workers a denarius, he sent them into his vineyard.

And coming out around 9 a.m. he saw others loitering in the marketplace and he said to them, “You go into the vineyard too, and I’ll pay you whatever is fair.” So they went.

Around noon he went out again, and at 3 p.m., and repeated the process. About 5 p.m. he went out and found others loitering about and says to them, “Why did you stand around here idle the whole day?”

They reply, “Because no one hired us.”

He tells them, “You go into the vineyard too.”

When evening came the owner of the vineyard tells his foreman: “Call the workers and pay them their wages starting with those hired last and ending with those hired first.”

Those hired at 5 p.m. came up and received a denarius each. Those hired first approached thinking they would receive more. But they also got a denarius apiece. They took it, but began to grumble against the proprietor, saying, “These men hired last worked only an hour but you paid them the same that you paid those of us who did most of the work during the heat of the day.”

The employer said to one of them, “Did I cheat you? Didn’t you agree to work for a denarius? Can’t I do whatever I like with my money? Or are you giving me the evil eye because I am generous?”

In other words, the vineyard owner hired people for a twelve-hour workday (6 a.m. to 6 p.m.). Some worked all twelve hours, some worked as little as one hour, but he paid them all a full day’s wage (the denarius was the silver coin that was considered a fair day’s wage for workers). Those who came at the last hour were delighted, but those who had worked a whole day in the hot sun were angry, even though he paid them a full day’s wage, which was what he said he’d pay them.

As you can tell, it’s not easy to know what to make of this. It doesn’t seem at all equitable. Conservative Christians often say that the silver coin represents heaven. Though some of those who wrote the gospels forty to ninety years after Jesus died did have him talking about heaven, Jesus was a Jew who never talked about heaven or hell, just focusing on this life here and now.

When you start reading some of the interpretations that people give this parable, they are absolutely all over the board, which should give you the nerve to give the story your own best interpretation. I want to share some of the ways Christians try to make sense of this odd story, then talk about what Jesus meant by it, and then wonder what we might do with it.

One online skit for two clowns says the point is that we should be happy with what we have – since all the workers agreed to work for a denarius: that silver coin. These clowns say they are hired by churches to come do skits to reinforce the bible lesson.

One of the many large Calvary Churches in the country says that in the Parable, the denarius is Heaven, the glorious payment of God for a whole life’s work of a believer.

God pays with the same coin to those working for 80 years in the church or to the one who repents at the last minute of his life.

But this is fair, they say – for after all, everybody gets to live up above the sky with God in heaven forever. So since the reward is infinite, there is no injustice. That’s at least clever.

An Anabaptist Christian reading doesn’t make it about heaven, but about serving God in this life. This man says: “So, having considered all this, wouldn’t you prefer to be a one-hour worker? Not me! I love the Boss too much! I pity the one-hour worker! He only has an hour to be about his Father’s business.”

He says the point of the parable is Ungratefulness, and ends by saying, “Let’s be so busy serving we don’t have an interest in whining!” This is pretty close to a big Happy Face reading, though I don’t think the original vineyard workers would have bought it.

But what seems worth keeping is that notion that those who spend more of their lives doing God’s work are to be envied because they served high ends rather than shallow or selfish ends. For this interpreter, the silver coin, the denarius, means serving the highest ideals with your life. We all want to do this, and while those who only did it for an hour had a glorious hour, it only lasted an hour instead of a whole life. This man talks about serving life-giving ideals as serving God, and that’s easy to understand whether you’d want to call it serving God or not.

Another commentator says the point of the parable is about answering the call when it comes. For those of us in liberal religion, what that “call” really means is like what the theologian Howard Thurman meant when he said, “Don’t ask what the world needs. Ask what makes you come alive and go do it. Because what the world needs is people who have come alive.”

Those who use God-talk to talk about these things will call that serving God. But it doesn’t matter what you call that attitude, as long as you can call it forth.

A lot of interpreters get hung up on the money part, and need to spin it to save face for God, because if this is about money, it sounds like God isn’t very fair. One didn’t want to engage this argument, so just said the point of the parable is that there is no room in heaven for people who just want more money or those who are jealous of the few who didn’t have to work very hard for their money.

And this leads to one of my favorite interpretations – favorite in a perverse kind of way – from Paul A. Cleveland, a professor of economics and business administration at Birmingham-Southern College, a man who has converted to the late Milton Friedman’s economic gospel.

He says the point of the parable concerns “The Danger of Presuming the Right to be Treated Graciously.”

“No one has the right to force someone else to deal with them in a merciful and compassionate way,” he says.

What he calls government entitlement programs – like welfare, social security, education and health care – are often called social justice, but he says this parable shows that they are not just, and not what God intends for us.

Furthermore, it’s wrong to have the government provide any social services or welfare, because this “assumes that people have the right to be treated mercifully and that this right is properly established by taking property away from taxpayers.”

In short, “The attempt to establish mercy and charity on earth via the law is not a Christian concept.”

This is the gospel of Milton Friedman. Next month, I’ll devote several sermons to looking at the worldwide effects Friedman’s fundamentalist economic ideas have had on the world since at least 1972, when I spend some time on Naomi Klein’s good but disturbing new book The Shock Doctrine: the Rise of Disaster Capitalism. But if you buy an economics of unrestrained greed, it’s no problem to believe that Jesus agrees with you. The truth is, you can interpret these and other stories almost any way you like. How you read them will be determined not by the stories, but by the spirit that possesses and guides you. Your interpretation is usually more about you than about the story. So when we hear these different interpretations, we’re not necessarily learning much about the story, though we’re learning about the interpreters, what they know and what sort of spirit drives them.

The last of these Christian interpretations I wanted to bring you is more in the “can you believe this?” category. It was posted to a chat list, not on this parable, but on the one that follows it. Here’s what the person said:

“I need help for a drama workshop on the Matthew 21 parable of the vineyard where the workers kill the owner’s son. Our church has two workshops per evening, one for younger children and one for older children. Any ideas? I’m burned out.”

Just from these few examples, you should get confidence to try your own reading of this odd parable and all other moral, ethical and religious stories. You couldn’t do worse than some of these, and would probably come up with a reading that you’d have a much better chance of incorporating into your own life.

Now let’s talk about what Jesus meant by the parable. Jesus, we have to remember, was not a Christian, and didn’t talk about heaven or hell. He was a Jew, and talked about living more wisely and fully here and now. So the silver coin wouldn’t represent heaven or any sort of afterlife. And it wouldn’t have anything to do with rewarding Christians, because Christianity wouldn’t be invented until several decades after he died. But the silver coin did represent what Jesus called the kingdom of God.

As I said last week, this was a common phrase used by lots of people at the time – Jews, Romans and later Christians – to mean the ideal world, the best kind of world. Originally, it was all here and now, not elsewhere and later.

And Jesus’ definition of this ideal world was shocking in its simplicity and its radical nature. He said the kingdom of God was one in which we all saw ourselves as children of God, and saw everyone else as children of God as well, no matter what social or economic class they belonged to, and then we all acted on the knowledge that we are all the beloved children of God. So the kingdom of heaven was defined by behaviors, not beliefs. I think this is one of the marks of Jesus’ profundity. Most of history’s great moral, ethical and religious thinkers have said the same: Confucius, Lao-Tzu, the Buddha and Socrates no less than Jesus. But this is not the way religions usually teach, then or now, as you know. They usually give you an identity defined not by behaviors, but by following prescribed beliefs, sacraments and ritual practices.

And Jesus was clear that this kingdom was not supernatural, wasn’t a thing yet to come through some magic. He said the kingdom wasn’t something that was “coming,” that you couldn’t point to it. It was already here, he said, within and among us, as soon as we see who we are in the kingdom – children of God – and act like it toward others. Like the Buddha, Socrates and other great thinkers he knew nothing about, Jesus put the ball in our court, whereas Christianity – unlike Jesus – gave the ball, the authority, to the Church. Jesus taught that the kingdom of God is a kingdom of radical love and compassion between all. And you’re living in it as soon as you act like it. You get paid in full the minute you finally get it. You know people who’ve lived that way for decades, and you must envy them, as I do. And you know others who have finally mellowed, or matured, into that quality recently. It transforms their life, whenever they get it.

If we see it early, we can have most of our life lived in this way. But even if we don’t get it until very late, we get the same quality of life, the same payment, just not as many years of it. So far, Jesus’ meaning is the best of the bunch. It is quite a pretty and poignant vision, but there are some things to question about it.

Jesus was young. He did his short ministry in his early 30s (some of the scholarly estimates now are that Jesus was probably born between about 5-7 BC, and may have been executed around the year 30). Does his vision sound realistic, that the world would dissolve into love? Does this sound like he had an adequate picture of human nature in the real world, or has he left out some terribly important things – like selfishness and power?

Dreams of peace and justice always seem to forget about power, as Jesus also seems to have done. Maybe it’s because those who dream about peace and justice seldom have any real power, so they assign too great an importance to mere ideas. They act as though those with power will just give up as soon as we start being loving. But history doesn’t support that. It shows they tend to see us as patsies, and take even more advantage of us, doesn’t it? Don’t tyrants love most of all those who will forgive them?

Even within a family or a relationship, his radical notion of forgiveness and love can only work where there is mutual love and respect. Practiced unilaterally, it can be very dangerous. As I’ve said before, if you want to see a place filled with people who practice loving their enemies and treating violence with forgiveness, go to a battered women’s shelter.

That kind of love and forgiveness can work within a loving and respectful relationship. Haven’t we all been opened, awakened, by someone in our lives who could forgive us something for which we couldn’t forgive ourselves, and love us anyway? It really can transform you into a more loving person. But if we’re dealing with very selfish, narcissistic or sociopathic people, it just makes us a sucker, and they’ll take merciless advantage of us.

That certainly seems true in politics, economics, history, work relationships and many personal relationships, doesn’t it? Can we say that Jesus’ vision, as beautiful and idealistic as it was, seems terribly naive, and that his dream of an ideal world forgot about the people who aren’t so inclined, and will take their advantages where they can get them?

After all, even in his story, those who worked only one hour had to know it was unfair to be paid for a full day. They just didn’t care. Neither do today’s CEO’s making nearly five hundred times as much as their workers. They’ll take what they can get, gladly. And they’ll always be able to find professors of economics and business who will swear that’s just what Jesus intended. Jesus’ kingdom of God was a utopian vision, and it’s perhaps worth remembering that the word “utopia” (Greek utopos) actually means “no place.”

All that said, however, there are still some things that are right and profound in this parable of Jesus’.

It isn’t about money, it isn’t about beliefs, and it isn’t about heaven. Jesus’ kingdom of God is about behavior, not belief. That’s what makes it a universal vision. It’s about finding a more compassionate, holistic way of seeing ourselves and others, so that we can begin to see ourselves as sacred creatures, put here for only a short time, challenged to find ways to make the time more fulfilling, so we can look back and say by God, I’m glad I lived that way!

That’s the silver coin that we seek. It’s one of the biggest reasons people come to the worship services of different religions. Even though we may not be much into magic or supernaturalism, many people come to sanctuaries like this each week hoping for a miracle: a word, a phrase, an image, an idea, a story or a connection that can open a door for us into a bigger living space.

The questions are always:

1. Who am I, really?

2. What am I serving?

3. Is it worthy of me?

4. If so, am I allowing it a commanding role? Serving it heart mind and soul?

In some ways, this complex parable of Jesus’ presents most of our problem today. We’re looking for the best way to live, individually and together. We believe it can transform the quality of our life if we’re serving the kind of ideals we should be serving. We know we can see the light we’ve been looking for at any time of life – the first hour or the eleventh hour, as this story puts it. And getting it right can make all the difference. We know all this.

But what’s the story that will do it? Jesus said it was a world of radical love and forgiveness. I’ve wondered out loud with you whether this might have been the fairly naive utopian vision of a very young prophet – for he seems to have left out any considerations of power, selfishness and ambition. This left a vacuum that history has filled with centuries of corruption, violence and war sponsored by the churches, and a toxic self-righteousness that has poisoned many families, including some of yours.

Some of life’s problems really do have simple and unambiguous answers that apply to almost everyone: we must work, we must eat, we must either play fair or gradually lose the respect of everyone we know, and so on.

But some questions require personalized answers, and the questions in this story are among them. If the “silver coin” is a life you’re glad you’re living this way, have you found it? How would you describe it? If you haven’t found it, what do you think it would be? Do you agree with Jesus’ prescription? (You don’t have to; arguing with teachers is an honored Jewish custom.) If not, how would you define the “kingdom of God?” What makes you come alive, what makes you feel beloved by God or by Life?

You see, we’re standing here in this marketplace of life, and all these potential employers are coming around, offering us what may be good offers, what may be Faustian bargains. The clowns are here, saying to just put on a happy face and be glad for what you have, no questions asked by golly.

Another says, “Oh, you’re not going to get much now, but if you’re obedient and don’t make waves, then some day you will win big, even if it isn’t until after you’ve died.”

The Friedman economist is here shouting, “Shut up and work! You don’t deserve anything the masters don’t choose to give you!” Some say the work is so satisfying you won’t even mind not getting paid.

Then there’s Jesus, with his idea that if we love one another and love our enemies too and learn to forgive, everything will be fine.

Finally, this preacher comes along who wonders if Jesus was too young and too naive, if just unilateral loving and forgiving doesn’t also make us easy marks for selfish or abusive people who’ll use us like patsies for their own ends.

But like so many good stories, this one is about life. The best stories are always about us, and we are all there in that market place of ideas about how to spend our lives, what kind of silver coin we think is worth our time, our trust, our life.

What about you? What currency could you work for that would make you feel that if this isn’t the kingdom of God, it’ll do until the real thing comes along? How do you find your own path between the whiners and gripers on the one hand, and the abused patsies on the other?

Another day has started. It’s already the fifth hour. What’s worth working for with your heart, with your hands, and with your life?

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Davidson Loehr

February 3, 2008

PRAYER:

Let us have humility in our lives, but let us also not underestimate our own power and authority. For we have far more power and authority in our lives than we imagine.

The Danish poet Piet Hein put this into a short poem some years ago, when he wrote:

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I am a humble artist, molding my earthly clod,

Adding my labor to Nature?s, simply assisting God.

Not that my effort is needed, yet somehow I understand

My Maker has willed it that I too should have unmolded clay in my hand.

Let us try to keep fear and false humility from making us bow before pretended authorities when we should question them ? in politics, in religion, and in our daily lives.

It is a bold claim, that we too should have unmolded clay in our hands, that we too can co-create our lives and our world. Yet it is one of the most fundamental truths of psychology, politics and religion.

Let us have appropriate humility, and let us have appropriate confidence and power. For there is so much to do, and we must do it together. Amen.

SERMON: The Kingdom of God is Like?.

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I only realized yesterday afternoon while sitting outside at Central Market working on this sermon where it was really going. I had thought it was about two parables, the two that are probably the most likely to be authentic parables of Jesus: the Good Samaritan story, and his odd comment that the kingdom of God is like leaven.

Then as I put together what I knew of the background and context from the bible and the early first century, I saw they were both spoken to a very specific context that doesn?t really fit us well today, that Jesus? original message not only wasn?t too helpful, but wasn?t very true or wise either.

We look at figures like Jesus, or Mother Teresa, Mohammad, all our religious and cultural heroes, through rose-colored, often romantic and nostalgic glasses, and sometimes just clearing away the haze also clears away the romantic nostalgia.

That?s what doing a scholarly study of any religion often does. We say we don?t want to check our brains at the door, but sometimes that turns into the question of whether we would rather be disillusioned, or illusioned. At the divinity school I attended ? and I suspect this is true of all good divinity schools ? it wasn?t unusual to hear graduate students say by their second or third year that learning about religion had shattered whatever beliefs they had come in with. The romanticism ends as you learn just what human creations all religions and all sacred scriptures really are. The bible was written by hundreds of people, each with their own theological and political agenda, not by God or Jesus. The Koran was too, went through many editions, and borrowed thousands of words from the Jewish and Christian scriptures, among others. And so on. That?s very empowering, freeing you from a more na�ve sense of religion, but it?s also disturbing.

I?ve been a Fellow in the Jesus Seminar since 1991, and that?s where I have learned most of what I know about Jesus. This a group of mostly bible scholars started in 1985 to bridge the gap between what scholars have known about the bible and Jesus for over a century, and what people in the streets and in the pews are told about it. They?ve described that gap as larger than the Grand Canyon. They assembled scholars of the bible and Christian history, and spent eight years having them research every single saying attributed to Jesus, and write papers on whether it should be considered authentic. They assigned every single saying attributed to Jesus ? whether in the gospels or any other early literature ? and having the experts write papers on sayings that came within their field of knowledge. Sometimes, this meant over an hour of listening and arguing about two lines of Greek text. Most people would think this added a whole new dimension to the concept of ?boring.?

They did this by knowing a lot of the history, how the gospels were written ? they weren?t written until forty to ninety years or so after Jesus died ? by comparing them with older sayings from Jewish teachers and secular sayings of the time. When they published their book The Five Gospels: the Search for the Authentic Words of Jesus in December 1993, they reported that they thought only about 18% of the sayings attributed to Jesus were authentic, and only 60% of the scholars were sure that the Good Samaritan story, one of the most famous, was authentic in that form. Only 60%. And that made it the second highest parable they considered to be authentic. The highest-rated parable only got 62% of the scholars voting for it, and that was a very short sentence that doesn?t even sound like a parable, where Jesus said, ?The kingdom of God is like leaven that a woman took and mixed in with three measures of flour until all of it was leavened.? (Matthew 13:33b).

I remember talking with a very bright Catholic priest attending one of our Seminar meetings, saying the irony was that he was so nourished by what he learned there, but then he?d have to go home and make sure he didn?t tell the people in his church what he had learned, because it would disillusion them. That?s only one of the reasons I?m not a Catholic priest. I think that while no one likes being disillusioned, it?s finally better than being illusioned. It?s liberating, and that word comes from the same root as ?liberal,? which is why I?m one of those, too. I think that being shaken out of our childhood beliefs is the first step toward finding beliefs that can serve us as adults, and it?s a struggle everyone should have a chance at. But that?s one of the reasons I?m a Unitarian rather than some other kind of preacher.

So today, I want to talk about two of Jesus? parables that may or may not be wise ? you?ll decide for yourself. Next week I?ll talk about the third most likely-to-be-authentic parable, which is kind of rude, even ugly, that you?ll almost never hear anyone preach on or agree with, and I?ll suggest that it really is profound and wise, just as I think Jesus meant it.

First, let?s talk about what parables are. They are not nice stories, and they?re not polite. They are the most radical and disturbing kind of story there is, and Jesus did them as well or better than anyone. One good biblical scholar, the Catholic John Dominic Crossan ? the co-founder of the Jesus Seminar ? has said that a parable is a slap in the face to the audience hearing it, and if it isn?t a slap in the face, it isn?t a parable. Its purpose is not to tell them what to do, how to behave. Its purpose is to subvert the worldview of the audience, to deny some of its most basic assumptions. The stories are disturbing, so they?re usually watered down to make them nice.

It?s easy to see all of this by looking at one of the most famous of Jesus? parables: the Good Samaritan story.

It sounds pretty straightforward, but it isn?t. A Jew is mugged walking along a dangerous road, a couple Jews see him there and cross over to the other side rather than stopping to help, then a Samaritan comes by, stops, helps, takes him to an inn, and pays the innkeeper to care for him until he?s recovered. The editor of the gospel added the line after the story, ?Go and do likewise,? which would not have been part of the original story. But we need to know some history in order to understand how it?s a parable. The Jews and Samaritans absolutely hated each other at the time. In about the year 6, Samaritans threw human remains into the courtyard of the big temple in Jerusalem, to defile it. The very idea of a good Samaritan was as offensive as the idea of a story about ?the good serial murderer.? Part of the message of the Good Samaritan story was not only that your own kind often won?t help you, but the most radical, the most parabolic, message is that Jesus was telling his Jewish audience that the help they need can only come from the last person on earth they want help from. This would have been a fairly disgusting story to Jesus? fellow Jews ? and remember, Jesus was a Jew, not a Christian. Christianity hadn?t been invented yet.

We need to hear this parable ? and the one about the leaven ? in the same light as when Jesus said that a prophet isn?t honored by his own people, as Jesus wasn?t. What he?s telling his fellow Jews in the Good Samaritan story is that the help they need won?t come from the people they like, but can only come from the one they hate ? in other words, Jesus. It?s his most autobiographical parable. Scholars believe he was from Galilee, though in one gospel he is also referred to as a Samaritan.

It?s an insulting story in which Jesus is also exalting himself ? like the claim from the gospel of John that has him saying ?I am the Way, no one can come to God except through me.? It?s terribly arrogant, a world away from his humbler saying that no one is good but God alone.

I want you to imagine what this would have sounded and looked like. Jesus was a homeless man. He had no home, no steady job, had no wife or children, he begged for his food, and taught his disciples to beg for their food ? and even told them to eat whatever was offered to them, which would include non-kosher foods like pork and shellfish. The people who knew him didn?t respect him, and one story in the New Testament shows that his own mother thought he was crazy. And this is the man telling them that only he can help them! Today, we would give such a person a diagnosis. I?ll come back to the Good Samaritan, but want to go to the other one for a few minutes.

The highest-ranked parable is that little one-sentence one I mentioned earlier, that ?The kingdom of God is like leaven that a woman took and mixed in with three measures of flour until all of it was leavened.? 62% of the Fellows in the Jesus Seminar said they were sure it was authentic, and about 90% said it probably was.

Believe it or not, it?s message is a lot like the Good Samaritan parable. At one of our meetings, I asked Dominic Crossan how on earth this was a slap in the face, or even a parable. He reminded me that the audience was Jewish, and that the high holy days of the religion are celebrated with unleavened bread. Jesus was saying, ?The kingdom of God is like what you?ve left out.? That?s what a parable does.

Today we make our bread with yeast that we buy in those little packages. It?s dry, clean, and has that wonderful smell when the bread is baking. But the leaven of the ancient world was pretty vulgar stuff. They made it by leaving a hunk of bread in a dark damp place until it was covered with mold, and stank. And the word for leaven was used as a metaphor. I?ve read that everywhere the word is used in the Hebrew scriptures, it means something corrupt, unclean, unholy.

Why would Jesus say the kingdom of God ? which meant the ideal world, the best kind of world ? was like something unclean and vulgar? Well, remember that Jesus was regarded as unclean and vulgar. He was a homeless man who traveled with the outcasts of society, who begged for their food. In one gospel, he is even described as a glutton and a drunkard. And he was saying the kingdom of God is like him and his followers. The Jews of his day didn?t agree, and not many of us would either.

Few of us travel around with homeless people who beg for their food, and prostitutes, and I suspect few of us would accept the idea that they are the kingdom of God. Just like the people in Jesus? audience, we still like to be around people like us. If homeless people or prostitutes came here on Sunday begging for food, I?d hope we would be courteous, but I don?t think we would cozy up to them during coffee hour. Even someone who wore a pro-life button or a pro-Bush button here would create at least uneasy silences, wouldn?t they? So sticking with our kind of people is as true of us as it was of Jesus? unappreciative audience two thousand years ago.

Are you beginning to feel the kind of slap in the face these parables were? They were powerful, rude stories that could get you killed. Socrates only questioned the things his society taught; Jesus attacked them.

And that little parable about the kingdom of God being like moldy, smelly leaven. What an odd idea, that the ideal world is like unholy corruption! Today, that could make you think the kingdom of God must be a lobbyists? convention in Washington DC. It might look like heaven to lobbyists and the corporations who own them, but it wouldn?t to most of us.

That?s why we sanitize these stories in churches and polite conversation, change them and make them all nice. The rules of sermon-writing seem to including keeping even the most disturbing messages within polite and comfortable boundaries. So some preachers will say that, well, the Samaritan story is really saying we shouldn?t leave people out, or we should help people who need help. But you really didn?t need a religious story to make that point, did you? If you didn?t already know that, something is very wrong, isn?t it?

I?ve heard a good preacher say that the point of the story is a lot like saying that we?re more complete if we can incorporate our shadow sides. He mentioned that the psychologist Carl Jung had made that critique of all of Christianity, which is true. Jung said Christianity had tried to leave out the shadow, leave out the selfish and bad parts of us, tried to define goodness as the absence of all evil. But Jung said no, it isn?t about being good; it?s about being whole, being integrated, and unless we claim and own the rotten parts, we?ll almost certainly project them out onto other people and attack them there. So the secret to the integrated personality ? as Jung and this preacher said ? is hidden in the dirty, uncomfortable things we?ve tried to leave out of it, and if we can add them back where they belong, we have the chance of growing into a fuller person, rising to our full height. This is a nice modern psychological message, and I think it?s true. But is this anything like the message Jesus meant? No. Jesus wasn?t a Jungian, but it?s the way we try to clean up rude stories that are attributed to our religious heroes, because we may go to see R- or X-rated movies, but on Sunday we want the sermons rated G.

When preachers use parables like this in sermons, they almost always clean them up and get away from the truly disturbing message they originally had. They?re not interested in what Jesus meant that was disturbing. They?re more interested in what they can say that?s clever and helpful. So we might say that well, the kingdom of God means a complete world, and that when we leave parts out, it keeps us from a truly integrated, authentic life. That?s nice, and also true. And also about as superficial as it gets, isn?t it?

Or we could preach on it by saying that the ideal world isn?t available from within gated communities surrounded by desperate ghettos, or self-righteous circles of those who think themselves superior to others and whose sense of superiority has cut them off from their common humanity with others. Those are also good sermons, and also true.

These are the kinds of games we play with a lot of religious stories, as you know if you?ve attended many churches. It?s the game of how most sermons are written. You already know the answer is going to be that Jesus was right, so they just have to figure out how to get you there this week. But look how much this distorts the original story, especially when the original story is such a crude and insulting parable. Sometimes, it feels almost like the Nickelodeon version of a Freddy Krueger movie.

This is part of what makes the old religious words and stories such odd candidates for trying to shed light on the world we?re actually living in. There is so much translation involved. We read Shakespeare and struggle with the odd-sounding Shakespearean English, because there is so much wisdom packed in those funny noises. But talking about a kingdom of God, and leaven, or even ancient hatreds between Samaritans and Jews ? which were tribes as closely related as first cousins? Why talk that way? Do we have to learn all this outdated stuff to make our way through life?

No, we don?t. In fact, we need to translate it into plain talk so we can know what we think we?re talking about. And we need to think about whether we agree with what this man is saying. It doesn?t matter who said it, just whether it seems to be wise and useful. So what?s this mean that we need to care about?

Now let me play devil?s advocate and wonder out loud whether the original versions of these two parables are even very wise. Remember, I?m not trying to tell you what to believe, only trying to make you interested in finding out what you believe.

Does the help we need often come from people we hate? No. Mostly, it comes from people we know, or at least people with whom we can identify. Do ?our kind of people? generally ignore and abandon us when we?ve been beaten down? Not in my experience. The most sensitive of them usually ask where it hurts, and whether they can do anything to help. There are certainly painful cases of psychopathic parents or partners that can be quite tragic, but overwhelmingly we can trust those who know us better than those who don?t, can?t we?

And do we need to add corrupt, moldy things to get decent food or a decent life? The image of smelly moldy leaven could have worked two thousand years ago. But it doesn?t work now, when the smell of yeast in baking bread is one of the nicest smells in the world. So is there anything about the parable that is relevant to our world?

Why would we want to invite people we don?t like into our community? It can sound quite idealistic, but would many of us really want to do it ? at least more than just once, for show? Why should we want that kind of stress? The Jews of Jesus? time didn?t. They weren?t persuaded by his story, and probably thought it was a vulgar idea. But then look around today, when some of the loudest conservative Christians don?t like the idea either. They have become notorious for trashing Muslims, trashing gays and lesbians, trashing assertive women, trashing anyone who isn?t like them, consigning them all to the roles of the unclean and impure. The most fanatical Muslims do the same. And our own behavior shows that we strongly prefer being around our kind of people, doesn?t it? Just look around. So whatever Jesus was addressing seems to be part of human nature, then now and probably always.

Let me add one more wrinkle, one more ambiguity, to take away some of the false authority and charisma of our favorite ?wise? sayings. Parables are really just used like proverbs and bromides, like ?A stitch in time saves nine.? And we apply them in a thousand ways that have nothing at all to do with the original meaning, like sewing torn clothing before the rip spreads and you have nine times as much work to mend it. We have used that old saw in a thousand ways that would have mystified the original seamstress who must have coined it about mending clothes. We have a whole mental library of these sayings, many of them contradicting many others, and we pull them out to fit the situation at hand. So we?ll say ?He who hesitates is lost,? then ?Fools rush in?, or ?Look before you leap,? then ?No guts, no glory.? ?Absence makes the heart grow fonder,? and ?Out of sight, out of mind.?

These aren?t really sources of wisdom, as much as they are catchy little sound bytes we can slap on life to feel like we understand it. Slapping a brand-name bromide on life is a way of taming life. We use the sayings we?ve heard ? not because they?re wiser than Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim or other sayings, but just because they?re familiar. That?s how most of Jesus? sayings are used, too. We use Jesus? stories in the same way, kind of slapping them on for a needed sound byte ? like ?being a good Samaritan? ? without ever understanding or caring what Jesus actually meant by them in his very different time, context, and agenda.

It?s a measure of how much our traditional religions have become marginalized in our search for understanding today. Saying we want to be a good Samaritan doesn?t have anything to do with Jesus? teachings; it?s just a handy way to say we want to be decent toward those who are in need.

Now, for the question most of you are wondering about: how on earth can this sermon end? I?ll try it this way. The main purpose of education, including learning more about religion, is not to make us more fearful and obedient; it?s to empower us to question even the structure and foundation of the world as we?ve been taught it.

When you make a creative use of an old story to find a way to understand your life, who gets credit? Does it mean the original storyteller was really wise, even if you?ve completely changed his message? Or that you?re really clever? Or that we?re all in this together, may each have a part of the whole, that to leave out any part, however small, may be to diminish us?

Does this give new meaning to Jesus? old stories, or does it show some of them to have been unwise, even self-important and arrogant? Do you want to give credit to Jesus, to the creative opportunities offered by ambiguous old stories, or to yourself for using them to see patterns in the world around you? Does it help you appreciate the role a church can play in keeping us exposed to stories that can help us find our way through life?

Is it, as that Catholic priest said, disillusioning: the sort of thing you should be protected from, by me and all other preachers? Or is it empowering, even if a bit sobering? If sermons are supposed to bring Good News that helps to awaken and empower you, to remind you that you too are a child of God and part of the hope of the world, then was this a sermon?

Welcome to the church where you can find religion almost every Sunday, but where it nearly always comes to you in kit form, with some assembly required.